by Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright on the Occasion of the Accession of the Czech
Republic, Hungary and Poland to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization at the Truman
Presidential Library
Independence, Missouri
March 12, 1999
Thank you Senator Mikulski, for that introduction. And I want to thank you and your colleagues,
Senators Roth and Smith, and Representatives Skelton, Lantos, and McCarthy for your bipartisan
leadership on behalf of NATO and NATO enlargement. You have helped to make history,
because without your support, we would not be here today.
Minister Kavan, Minister Martonyi, and Minister Geremek; Excellencies from the diplomatic
corps; Admiral Gough; General Anderson and other leaders of our armed forces; officials of the
Truman Library'; honored guests; colleagues, and friends: Today is a day of celebration and re-
dedication; of remembrance and renewal.
History will record March 12, 1999 as the day the people of Hungary, the Czech Republic and
Poland strode through NATO’s open door and assumed their rightful place in NATO’s councils.
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To them, I say that President Clinton’s pledge is now fulfilled. Never again will your fates be
tossed around like poker chips on a bargaining table. Whether you are helping to revise the
Alliance’s Strategic Concept or engaging in NATO’s partnership with Russia, the promise of
“nothing about you without you,” is now formalized; you are trully allies; you are trully home.
This is a cause for celebration not only in Prague, Budapest and Warsaw, but throughout the
Alliance.
Now, the Iron Curtain has lifted and links that should have been secured long ago are being
soldered together.
Today is evidence of that. For this morning, NATO is joined by three proud democracies;
countries that have proven their ability to meet Alliance responsibilities, uphold Alliance values,
and defend Alliance interests.
Since die decision to invite new members was first made, President Clinton has argued that a
larger NATO would make America safer, our Alliance stronger, and Europe more peaceful and
united. Today, we see that this is already the case.
For NATO’s new members bring with them many strengths. Their citizens have a tradition of
putting their lives on the line for liberty: Witness Hungary’s courageous freedom fighters in 1956;
the students who faced down tanks in the streets of Prague 12 years later; and the workers of
Gdansk whose movement for Solidarity ushered in Europe’s new dawn.
As young democracies, these countries have been steadfast in supporting the vision of an
integrated Europe. Their troops are serving alongside NATO forces in Bosnia. And each is
contributing to stability in its own neighborhood.
NATO’s success has enabled generations protected by the Alliance to grow up and grow old under
democratic rule. For that, we are enormously grateful. But we must also guard against a danger.
We must never fall back into complacency; or presume that totalitarianism is forever dead; or
retreat in the face of aggression.
We must learn from history, not repeat it. And we must never forget that the destinies of Europe
and North America are inseparable. And that this is as true now as it was when NATO was
founded 50 years ago.
The hopes of future generations are in our hands. We cannot allow any issue to undermine our
fundamental unity. We must adapt our Alliance and strengthen our partnership. We must
anticipate and respond to new dangers. And we must not count on second chances; we must get it
right - now.
This requires understanding that the more certain we are in preparing our defense; the more
certain we may be of defending our freedom without war.
NATO is the great proof of that. For its success over five decades is measured not in battles won,
but rather in lives saved, freedoms preserved and wars prevented. That is why President Truman
said that the creation of NATO was the achievement in which he took the greatest pride.
Today, we, too, have grounds for pride. For NATO enlargement is a sign that we have not grown
complacent about protecting the security of our citizens.
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The nations entering our Alliance today are the first new members since the Cold War’s end, but
they will not be the last. For NATO enlargement is not an event; it is a process.
It is our common purpose, over time, to do for Europe’s east what NATO has already helped to do
for Europe’s west. Steadily and systematically, we will continue erasing - without replacing - the
line drawn in Europe by Stalin’s bloody boot.
When President Clinton welcomes his counterparts to Washington next month to mark NATO’s
fiftieth anniversary, they will affirm that the door of the Alliance does remain open, and they will
announce a plan to help prepare aspiring members to meet NATO’s high standards.
But enlargement is only one element in our effort to prepare NATO for its second fifty years.
The Washington Summit be the largest gathering of international leaders in the history of
Washington D.C. It will include representative from NATO and its partner countries, 44 in all.
And it will produce a blueprint for NATO in the 21st Century.
Our leaders will, I am confident, agree on the design of an Alliance that is not only bigger, but
also more flexible; an Alliance committed to collective defense and capable of meeting a wide
range of threats to its common interests; an Alliance working in partnership with other nations and
organizations to advance security, prosperity, and democracy in and for the entire Euro-Atlantic
region.
Since 1949, under Article V of the North Atlantic Treaty, the core mission of our Alliance has
been collective defense. That must not and will not change. NATO is a defensive Alliance, not a
global policeman.
During the Cold War, we had no trouble identifying the risks to our security and territory'. But the
threats we face today and may face tomorrow are less predictable. They could come from an
aggressive regime, a rampaging faction, or a terrorist group. And we know that, if past is
prologue, we face a future in which weapons will be more destructive at longer distances than ever
before.
Our Alliance is and must remain a Euro-Atlantic institution that acts by consensus. We must
prevent and, if necessary, respond to the full spectrum of threats to Alliance interests and values.
And when we respond, it only makes sense to use the unified military structure and cooperative
habits we have developed over the past 50 years. This approach should not be controversial.
We’ve been practicing it successfully in Bosnia since 1995.
We are also taking steps, as we plan for the Summit, to ensure that NATO’s military forces are
designed, equipped, and prepared for the 21st Century missions. And we expect the Summit to
produce an initiative that responds to the grave threat posed by weapons of mass destruction and
their means of delivery.
Clearly, NATO’s job is different now than when we faced a single monolithic adversary across a
single heavily-armed frontier. But NATO’s purpose is enduring. It has not changed. It remains to
prevent war and safeguard freedom.
NATO does this not only by deterring, but also by unifying. And let no one underestimate its
value here, as well.
For if NATO can assure peace in Europe, it will contribute much to stability around the globe.
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That is why NATO is focused not on welcoming new members, but also on strengthening its
valuable partnerships with Russia, Ukraine and Europe’s other democracies. Their inclusion and
full participation in the trans-Atlantic community is essential to the future we seek. For NATO’s
purpose is not to build new walls, but rather to tear old walls down.
We also remind ourselves, that although NATO stands tall, it does not stand alone.
The EU, OSCE and NATO and its partners form the core of a broader system for protecting vital
interests and promoting shared values.
We learned in Bosnia earlier this decade how vital such a system is. We face a test of that system
now in Kosovo, and we welcome Russian Foreign Minister Ivanov’s efforts in Belgrade today to
help achieve our common goal.
There, together, we have backed diplomacy with tools ranging from humanitarian relief to OSCE
verifiers to the threatened use of NATO force. Together, we have hammered out an interim
political settlement that meets the needs and respects the rights of all concerned.
And let us never fail to remember how our Alliance came together; what it stands for; and why it
has prevailed.
Our Alliance endures because the principles it defends are timeless and because they reflect the
deepest aspirations of the human spirit.
It is our mission now, working across the Atlantic, to carry on the traditions of our Alliance and
prepare NATO for the 21st Century. To that end, we take a giant step today. And we look forward
with confidence and determination to the historic Summit in Washington and further progress
tomorrow.
Thank you very much.
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