Discourses of hijab in post-Soviet Kazakhstan: historical and modern aspects

Discourses of hijab in post-Soviet Kazakhstan ... 
Серия «История. Философия». № 3(75)/2014 
69 
the Central Asian region. Whereas Soviet atheism excluded religion out of everyday life, the position about 
veiling as symbol of women’s oppression made Soviet regime closer to Western colonial politics. Soviet 
propaganda demonstrated its democracy to women in Central Asia in many movies and posters about unveil-
ing of Muslim women in the region. 
The modern interpretations of women’s rights in Afghanistan and Iraq within the first lady Laura Bush 
radio speech are also considered as well Leila Ahmed as Lila Abu-Lughod. Their analysis of Laura Bush’s 
message points political aspect [2] and ignorance of cultural relativism by the West [4] due to the hijab. 
Present authorities in Kazakhstan demonstrate some similar politics of ignorance for the hijab’s phe-
nomenon understanding it as a part of another culture, not Kazakh but mostly Arabic one. This point of view 
is close to Egyptian intellectuals who thought that veiling was not a divine injunction. It was a regional cus-
tom of Arab women in the early times of Islam which later was mistakenly accepted as a religious edict [3]. 
The other interpretations of hijabs include some historical, cultural, gender and social aspects of the hi-
jab and veiling. Mohja Kahf viewed the hijab historically and claimed that veiling predated Islam. Many an-
cient communities in Greece, Near East, Rome and other societies had practice of veiling. She also proposed 
that the hijab was probably established by males to control female bodies [5]. The most important interpreta-
tions about hijab are considered it in the terms of cultural diversity when the hijab’s practice is spread 
throughout various Islamic countries and societies and presented not only as the hijab but also as the baltu, 
khimar, niqab, jilbab, burqa [9]. 
Abu-Lughod in her article showed cultural relativism of imagination and practice the hijab in the differ-
ent Islamic societies. Mahmood also demonstrates the hijab diversity in her fieldwork in Egypt through soci-
oeconomic background of women studied at the Cairo Mosques. She excellent presented in her book how 
Mosques and veiling elicit a class, education level, language and political features of women in the city. In 
another words, the hijab and covering could present as well cultural as socioeconomic and political diversity 
of veiling not only inside one culture but also social differentiation within one city and even neighborhood 
[3]. 
Also Mahmood, Abu-Lughod and Kahf affirm such significant of the hijab as subjectivity which could 
reveal personal morality of a woman included modesty, divinity, piety, dignity, virtue, decency. In addition, 
the hijab signifies the distinction of social life of men and women where public is for men mostly and private 
is for women preferably [4, 5]. 
In my mind, the publications of contemporary Islamic female scholars discover and discuss the most 
considerable point about veiling and unveiling periods in Muslim countries during the 20
th
 century when they 
were under the Western influence of ruling [2, 5]. Turkey in the 1920s, Egypt in the 1950s, Iran in the 1978s, 
Syria and Tunisia in the 1980s and other Muslim countries experienced policy of unveiling, secularization 
and Westernization in their modern histories. As a result, according to Kahf, «the hijab enjoys a new plurali-
ty» [5; 36]. That means that not all women in Muslim countries are veiled, the hijab would present vary as-
pects of different periods of its own history and history of some Muslim societies. 
Rising of political Islam has been affecting on the hijab survival in Muslim and Western societies from 
the 1990s to the present [2]. From this perspective the hijab would be considered as the construction of Is-
lamic identity in present Muslim countries and among Muslim minorities in the West. It could be possible to 
specify two sides of hijab politics today. Firstly, it was the colonial interpretation of the hijab as a symbol of 
women’s oppression referred to politics of unveiling before the 1990s. Secondly, it is the Islamist understat-
ing of the hijab as an important part of Muslim identity, heritage and civilization which is denotative the veil 
resurgence after the 1990s [2, 3]. 
According to Ahmed, one of the important issues of political Islam’s successfulness is the changing of 
policy to women. Islamist organizations involve actively women to their parties and associations. It could be 
told that political Islam changes its gender policy and probably adjusts to the Western values and worldview. 
Contemporary political Islam increased globally would present us some distinctions and, in the same time, 
interconnections with the West where the hijab and gender policy are important. 
Summing up this part, I would like to conclude that the hijab is a religious, sociocultural and political 
phenomenon capable to change, transform, disappear and emerge again. It is an elastic component of modern 
Islam. Besides cultural and ethnic parts presently, the hijab became a tool of political and global Islam which 
could dawn locally everywhere (Ahmed, 2011). From this point of view, is it possible to interpret the hijab in 
present-days Kazakhstan and Central Asian countries as a display of global Islam? Maybe, yes. 

N.Mingisheva 
70 
Вестник Карагандинского университета 
Post-Soviet interpretations about hijab in Kazakhstan: Views atop and the ground 
After Soviet collapse Kazakhstan experiences the fast growth of Islamic institutions. It could be told 
that specific religious infrastructure has been building in the country with many Mosques, Islamic café, 
shops, financial institutes, media and Halal productions. Recently public debates are occurred around hijab in 
Kazakhstan. It could be told that officials and secular majority try to reduce the hijab’s performativity in the 
public space after encounters with extremist activities over the country and spreading of veiled women in the 
streets. While Islamic infrastructure (Mosques, shops, café) is static, extremists and covering women are 
alive, versatile and dynamic. Extremist are dangerous and veiled women became a part of everyday life. 
Probably, these two parts of Islamic gender representations tied with each other and called some discomfort 
perceptions in the public opinion. As a result, presently there is a great pressure over women in hijabs in Ka-
zakhstan as well on the governmental as on the public levels. The hijab is criticized from the position of tra-
ditional Islam in Kazakhstan; the hijab was not a part of the Kazakh culture, it is a sign of the exterior, an-
other, Arabic culture. 
What do Muslims in Kazakhstan think and tell about hijab themselves? How Muslims and «secular en-
vironment» interpret the hijab? Is it possible to reconcile these two polar attitudes to the hijab? 
I interviewed two young women and two young men who identify themselves as Muslims about how 
they understand the hijab and what are their attitude to veiling of women. All interviewees are confidential 
and under pseudonyms. These interviews were conducted in the different periods of 2011–2012: 
Alia, 22 years old: An external hijab is an attire of Muslim woman covering all her body except her 
face and lower parts of a hand (palm and its back). It is unacceptable to show female beauty in public for 
Muslim woman except males whom she cannot get married because of kinship relations. It is necessary to 
cover all parts of a body except a face and lower parts of hands. 
It is important to say that Alia often made references to the Quran (Surah 7 and 24), the hadith of as-
Suyuti (the commentary of the 31
st
 Ayah of the Surah 24), and commentaries of the Islamic scholars (ulama) 
as Ibn Abbas and Ibn Mas’ud about the hijab and veiling. 
Dinara, 21 years old: My father first interested with Islam and persuaded me to wear the hijab. But I 
have the great interest to Islam too. I study a lot about Islam and the hijab is very important for Muslim 
women. Some Surah in the Quran and many ulama tell about necessity of the hijab for Muslim women. 
The case with Dinara presents the different and complex aspects of social, family and personal relations 
between Islam and the secular majority in Kazakhstan. After wearing the hijab she impacted a great pressure 
in the university where she studied. Dinara was growing in the city and had many ‘secular’ friends who did 
not accept her new dress and hijab as well as some her classmates. Later she encountered with permanent 
rejections while seeking a job because of her hijab. At last she had to take the hijab off to find the job. When 
I met her later in the street wearing ‘secular’ dress, she told me that anyway she is a Muslim and she would 
wear hijab again when it would be possible for her. Her avatar in one social network represents a small girl 
in the pink hijab. 
Nurlan, 21 years old: When you follow Islam, you should do it perfectly. Most people think that the hi-
jab is old fashioned and out-of-dated. The mode and time are not significant at all here. Allah orders in the 
Holy Quran about wearing of the hijab. In the other words, it is necessary to cover female body from dirty 
people eyes. Wearing of the hijab is obligatory. Islamic and non-Islamic scholars confirmed the detriment if 
a woman does not wear the hijab. 
It could be told that this male discourse represents some confident and ultimate tone. As above female 
responses Nurlan’s opinion about hijab also based on the Holy Islamic texts and commentaries of the ulama. 
In the same time, his message would be characterized with stronger and more persistence features. He con-
siders the hijab from positive and contrary positions for confirming his mind about mandatory of the hijab 
that strengthen his assertion. It could be told that this masculine discourse is more sustainable and firm in 
comparing of two previous females. 
Abdullah, 32 years old: There is a Surah about veiling of a head and a body. Christians had the same 
but they forgot about it. Woman is beautiful. The hijab covers forehead, neck and other important parts of the 
body. Our society is prejudiced to the hijab. The hijab is very important for me. 
The Abdullah’s case is also interesting. He is a Korean converted into Islam three years ago. He charac-
terized his previous life as jahiliyyah (non-Islamic practice) and regretted about it. He has chosen the pseu-
donym for his interview himself and asked to name him as Abdullah. It is clear too that he interprets the hi-
jab on the Quran’s Surah like the other interviewees. In addition, it is very important to note that his state-

Discourses of hijab in post-Soviet Kazakhstan ... 
Серия «История. Философия». № 3(75)/2014 
71 
ments about hijab is also stemmed on the binary opposition of Islamic (presence, using) and Christian (ab-
sence, forgetting) practices of veiling. It could be told that both male interpretations demonstrate more stable 
and steady masculine discourses according to the hijab. These gender relations support the Irving Goffman’s 
inference that men do dominance and women do difference [10]. 
Summing all messages, it could be told that both female and male discourses about hijab based on the 
Islamic texts and commentaries of the Islamic scholars. All of them quoted and cited to the Quran towards 
the obligation of the hijab. Though many contemporary researches contest this position; there are seven 
words ‘hijab’ in the Quran but no mention about its obligation for all Muslim women. The hijab was related 
to the wives of the Prophet whose status was distinctive in early Islamic communities and all men arrived to 
the Prophet were special recommended about communication with them. The wives of the Prophet and 
Mary, mother of Jesus, were veiled according to the Quran [3, 6]. Also Mahmood mentioned about the veil 
(hijab) as a custom rather than a religious duty [3; 50–52]. 
The practice of the hijab in today Kazakhstan presents encounter of two different positions as secular 
and religious ones. The secular society often interprets the hijab as a way to get marriage for young women. I 
heard many stories about young Muslim women used the hijab in their personal purposes and manipulated 
with it. Most people do not trust to young Muslim women and assume that they use the hijab in their prag-
matic targets. I did not see such intentions when I interviewed young Muslim women. On the contrary, I 
watched some experience of their religious subjectivity, some aspiration to follow to Islamic precepts, seek-
ing of own morality in Islam, filling of own identity with some Islamic norms and rules which are eternal. It 
could be told that it is so close to «politics of piety» of Saba Mahmood. According to marriage, young Mus-
lim women in Kazakhstan interpret family also under the religious values. They intend to have the Muslim 
family which is ideal and close to the God. 
In addition, it is necessary to bear in our mind that «men factor» is also considered in the hijab’s prac-
tice in present-days Kazakhstan. The male dominance and insistence could inflict to wear of the hijab by 
women. 
From today perspective it could told that the hijab is a new and alien tradition for the Kazakh culture 
and society (public and official view). From the other side (opinions of Muslims themselves), the hijab is 
some old and virtuous tradition emerged under influence of global Islam when the «Arabic style» became 
spreading among young Muslim women in Kazakhstan and worldwide. Is it possible to peace these opposite 
minds? What would be changed first? Could the secular majority soften its secular policy and accept some 
reconstructed Islamic practices? Or maybe Muslim women would take the hijab off? 
Conclusion 
The present period in Kazakhstan could be interpreted as some initiated stage of study in Islam. The 
phenomenon of the hijab could be also considered as a part of this process of studying. Young Muslims in 
Kazakhstan understand the hijab as a religious duty but not as a custom. The hijab’s obligatory explained 
with the Quran, the hadiths, and ulama. This case demonstrates clearly some amalgamation of religion and 
different social practices. It would be interpreted that the religion embraces the custom while modern aca-
demic sources differentiate these two institutions [3, 6]. Such combination of the religious duty and the cus-
tom supports the above argument about opening stage of Islam’s inquiry in present Muslim communities of 
Kazakhstan. It would be also told that Islam and the hijab perform as the knowledge and the part of religious 
identity of young Muslims in the country. 
In the same time, it is important to note that the hijab does not belong to one cultural tradition as Ka-
zakhstan’s authorities declare during last years. The meaning of the hijab is broader and deeper presently. 
The hijab has many aspects, features and tissues. The hijab is not only some modern political construct of 
Islamic identity but also a symbol of the religious subjectivity based on modesty, piety, and decency of a 
woman. Reinterpreting the thoughts of Mahmood, Abu-Lughod and Kahf, the hijab could be defined as a 
personal choice of the woman besides some outside political and cultural manifestations. The young Muslim 
women in Kazakhstan confirm such statements. 
Resuming the paper, I would suppose that the present debates around hijab in Kazakhstan elicit some 
collusions as well of the secular majority referred the hijab to another cultural tradition as of the young Mus-
lims who sanctify the custom. In addition, it could be told that the hijab performs some diversity of the cur-
rent social processes which became sophisticated and multivocal in present-days Kazakhstan. 

N.Mingisheva 
72 
Вестник Карагандинского университета 
Acknowledgements 
I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Ghadir Zannoun whose class on «Women and Islam» I took 
in the spring semester at the University of Kentucky of 2012. This class opened and intrigued me a lot with 
various issues about women in Islamic societies in the past and the present times and about hijab, in particu-
lar. Also I would like to thank the Faculty Development Fellowship Program of the Open Society Institute 
supported my scholarship at the University of Kentucky for 2011–2013. 
 
 
References 
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