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The popular attitudes toward corruption in Kazakhstan



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The popular attitudes toward corruption in Kazakhstan


Here, I use the data from three surveys that sought the respondents’ views on corruption. The three surveys were conducted in 2008, 2009, and 2010. The surveys were administered face-to-face in households and business offices and involved totally 19,390 respondents; the selected samples reflected the demographics and social characteristics of the general population (Abdykarimov et al., 2011).
Survey results from 2009 show that the level of acceptance of corruption in modern Kazakhstan is quite high. The study indicates that most surveyed businessmen agreed that giving bribes was necessary to remove administrative barriers and to promote their businesses. Chart 7 below shows responses of these businessmen.
Chart 7. The attitudes of Kazakh businessmen to economic corruption

Source: Abdykarimov et al., 2011
Chart 7 suggests that 73% of respondents view corruption as functional in business matters. This high percentage indicates how widely corruption got spread and accepted among business people.
The responses in Table 1 below describe the mode of interaction among citizens with government officials. These data illustrate how corruption deals get organized.
Table 1. “Which statement below properly defines the practice of corruption?”

Answer options

Percent

Often, state bureaucrats create corruption situation and hint on the necessity to pay additionally for additional service

28,3%

Often, both parties of the deal are informed in advance about the necessity to pay informally for additional service

31,7%

Often, citizens initiate illegal payment to state bureaucrats for additional service

21,6%

Have no opinion

13%

Source: Abdykarimov et al., 2011
The above responses suggest that citizens quite often acted as the initiators of corrupt relationships. Abdykarimov et al. (2011) demonstrate by research results that common feature of corrupt practice is the agreement among corrupt state officials and local people to enter corrupt relationships. The authors conclude that the acceptance by local people has made corruption a systemic feature of doing business and dealing with state bureaucrats in Kazakhstan.
Regardless of multiple anti-corruption decrees and creation of the Agency of the Republic of Kazakhstan for Control over Economic and Corruption Crimes, which has been established in 2006, research shows that corruption persisted in government agencies. Research by the Sange Research group (Dzhandosova et al., 2007) shows that high levels of corruption existed in law enforcement, justice, and penitentiary systems. The agencies with justice enforcement functions outperformed on corruption measures even the distributive agencies, such as local municipalities, housing and land registration agencies, control and licensing agencies - customs, traffic police, and tax inspections. These findings suggest that corruption in Kazakhstan has disabled the system of justice and crime control, making them inadequate institutions for combating the crime of corruption.
The results of two repeated surveys from 2008 and 2009 show that although a majority of respondents had a negative attitude toward corruption, almost the same proportion of respondents expressed positive, tolerant, or indifferent attitudes toward corruption (Abdykarimov et al. 2011).
Chart 8 below demonstrates this attitude.
Chart 8. The attitudes toward corruption in Kazakhstan

Source: Abdykarimov et al., 2011
In 2008 and 2009 the majority of respondents felt negative about corruption - 48,6% and 61,3% respectively. Although, Chart 8 shows a 12.7% increase of the respondents feeling negative about corruption from year 2008 to 2009, the combined percentage of those who felt positive, tolerant or indifferent to corruption is still high at 40.8% in 2008 and 27.1% in 2009 (Abdykarimov, 2011). I conclude that the considerable number of people accepted corruption because it was a useful, effective, and functional instrument for self-promotion and moneymaking.
Changes in cultural values have not been well studied in Kazakhstan, and empirical data is scarce. However, the data discussed in this chapter suggest that corruption is commonly practiced behavior and widely accepted in Kazakhstan. Corruption has become a systematic feature of business transactions, as survey results demonstrate. These data support the Van Roy’s functionalist proposition that corruption is viewed by many as a utility that quickly achieves the desired end. Another condition for the spread and institutionalization of corruption is the existence of organized and internally cohesive clan networks. The next part of this paper discusses corruption networks.


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