parts of the country has been responsible for
a certain reversal of the progression contrast
between the prosperity of the former and the
deepening poverty of the latter. There is a need
for interdisciplinary analysis.
The objectives of this paper are to substantiate
the hypothesis that systemic marginality is
responsible for the difficulties being experienced
by people and communities within a system
whereby distribution is inequitably constructed
through the systems of religious and cultural
hegemony. Systemic or hegemonic marginality
differs from market-induced marginality because
it defies market reforms as a corrective measure.
Mainly because it stems from a conscious
plan by an existing hegemony to perpetuate
its political control, social exclusion and
economic exploitation. The history of hegemonic
marginality is considered specific to each
community relative to the historical configuration
of power within it. Vivid instances of these would
include the inequity and oppression suffered
under apartheid in South Africa and Rhodesia,
ethnically targeted exclusionary practices in
countries like Rwanda, Ethiopia, and Sudan,
and policies that (in)advertently marginalize
ethnic and religious groups leading to horizontal
inequalities in countries like Nigeria and Cote
d’Ivoire where autochthony confers and denies
rights. In many African countries, it remains at
the center of agitations for secession and ethnic
militancy. However, the susceptibility of ethnic
minorities to hegemonic marginality is peculiar
not to Africa alone [3].
Reversion to the old ways of life leading
to the eminence of the Weberian traditional
authority has taken the form of serfdom and
feudalism underscored by absolute poverty and
hopelessness particularly in the northern parts
of Nigeria today. As stated by ex-president,
Goodluck Jonathan: “A situation where 52.4% of
males in the Northeastern region of Nigeria have
no formal Western education. The figure is even
worse when you consider the states most affected
by the insurgency. 83.3% of the male population
in Yobe state has no formal Western education.
In Borno state, it is 63.6%. Bearing this in mind is
it a coincidence that the Boko Haram insurgency
is strongest in these two states?” [4, p.196]. In the
Oxford Poverty and Human Development Index
Nigeria Country Briefing published in 2017, the
poverty map of Nigeria’s states runs as follows:
Arguably, there are development disparities
throughout the country, as can be seen in the last
two southern states. Nevertheless, poverty in
Nigeria, according to Elombah, increased from
27% in 1980 to 66% in 1996, in 1999 it increased to
70%, by 2011 it was estimated that more than 85%
of Nigerians live in poverty, accelerated mainly
due to pervasive impoverishment in the north of
the country [6].
A report published by the National Bureau
of Statistics released in May 2020 revealed
comprehensive data on poverty and inequality in
Nigeria for the year 2020:
O.W. Adeleke, А.T. Аbzhaliyeva Zamfara Jigawa- Bauchi Sokoto- Kebbi
Katsina Gombe Taraba
*Bayelsa *Osun
92%
88%
87%
87%
86%
82.2%
77%
78%
29%
11%