ʊɧʇɸʒɸ-ʂʞɮɯʃɸ ʂʌʇɧ ɳʞʃɯ ɶɧʂɧʃɧʍɸ ʂʞɮɯʃɸɯʊ

29 
More recently (from 2008 onward), a German team of researchers led by H. Parzinger 
in  cooperation  with  Z.  Samashev  (Inst.  Archaeology,  Kazakhstan)  implemented  the 
interdisciplinary project “Archaeological and Geoarchaeological Investigations in 
Southeastern Zhetysu, Kazakhstan”. The project focuses on the study of Saka burial grounds 
making use of new archaeological methods (geophysical survey, remote sensing, GIS) but 
is following the traditional framework of studying individual kurgan cemeteries without 
correlating them with the hydrological basin and its ecological potential [3]. Actually paleo-
sedimentary studies have been implemented by M. BlдĴermann et alia [4] in order to detect 
anthropogenic effects on the paleo-environment of the piedmont fans, but unfortunately 
their results don’t have cultural signięcance. In fact, the process of erosion individuated in 
Talgar and datable to the second part of the I millennium BC, can be hardly be incontestably 
aĴributed to human action because typical of a rapid transition from an arid to a pluvial 
phase (which is the case of the VII, IV and III centuries BC in the region). 
In order to stimulate a concrete debate on these points, the present paper provides 
some examples of geoarchaeological study of Saka monumental complexes (mainly made 
of few seĴlements and hundreds of kurgans) in Semirechie during the Early Iron epoch 
together with their ecological and socio-economical context. 
In other words, the map of the Saka monuments is ploĴed on a series of thematic 
maps concerning topography, hydrology, climate and snow cover, vegetation, economical 
potential, etc. The correlation between cultural and natural elements is sorted out, suggesting 
a human use of the territory by seasonal altitudinal transhumances and threefold residential 
facilities along hydrological basins (in mountain plateaus, piedmonts and desert), which 
points to a similar territorial integration of human clans and solidarity groups. In that way 
every single Saka monument is interpreted within its ecological context 
Paragraph 2 analyzes the seĴlement paĴerns in the Northern Tienshan piedmonts 
and in the Chu-Ili mountains during the ęrst half of I millennium BC in correlation with 
the paleoclimatic and paleo-environmental conditions of the region. Paragraph 3 studies 
some exemplary Saka funerary complexes by hydrological basin (the Charyn and Chilik 
valleys and the Besshatyr plain), in correlation with seĴlements, ecological facilities and 
transhumance routes.
In that way is inferred a locational and praxeological model of the Saka use of 
the Semirechie region. It is based on ‘handmade’ correlations but it could be quantięed 
through the elaboration of formal spatial analyses. 
2 – Iron Age paleo-environment and seĴlement paĴerns during the ęrst half of 
I Millennium BC in Semirechie 
The analyses exposed here below are the results of several years of researches on 
pastoralist, agriculturalist and metallurgic habitats of South Kazakhstan by part of the 
Laboratory of Geoarchaeology of Almaty [5]. 
The studied seĴlements concerned by this article are located in the following regions: 1- 
Chu-Ili mountains (Tamgaly, Seryktas, Kuljabasy, Kindyktas, Khantau, Zhengeldy, Almaly); 
2- Northern Zailiski Alatau (Butakty/Almaty, upper Turgen valley and Asy-plateau, upper 
and lower Chilik valley, upper and lower Charyn valley); 3- Lower course of the Ili river 
(Ili canyon, Kurty-Ili conĚuence, Bakanas delta); 4- Jungarian Alatau (Eshkiolmes/Koksu, 
Tekeli/upper-Karatal, Muzbulak-Bayanzhurek-Tasbas-Kalakai/upper-Bien). (Fig. 01)
In most of these areas, all the elements of the cultural landscape (seĴlements, burials, 
irrigation devices, workshops, megaliths, petroglyph etc) were investigated. Kurgan 
complexes were systematically mapped and the most important among them (Burundai, 
Issyk, Besshatyr, Zhuvan-tobe, Zhalauly) also documented by aerial photos. 

30
 
ʊɧʇɸʒɸ-ʂʞɮɯʃɸ ʂʌʇɧ ɳʞʃɯ ɶɧʂɧʃɧʍɸ ʂʞɮɯʃɸɯʊ
These archaeological studies were accompanied by paleoenvironmental researches 
based on geomorphological and palynological analyses and carbon or EPR dating.  
2.1 - Change of climate and of settlement patterns at the transition between 
the Bronze and the Iron Age in Semirechie 
Fluctuations of temperature (T) and precipitation (P) in Semirechie during the last 
3200 years have been reconstructed on the basis of palynological analyses of samples 
collected in the plain and in the mountain zone. The results show 2 remarkable facts. 
On one side Semirechie presents climatic characters quite different from the ones of 
global or even regional reconstructions to which usually refer archaeologists in search of 
climatic forcing on cultural processes. Here the Ěuctuations of T and P generally happen 
in opposite ways, manifesting as a succession of cold-wet and hot-dry phases. On the 
other side the Semirechie territory itself must be parted in 2 different zones, plains and 
mountains, characterized by climates different enough to favor different environmental 
conditions and economical strategies. 
The Ěuctuations of T and P in the plains are opposite of the ones of the mountain zone 
between 3200 and 2000 BP; and the climatic trends of the two zones become analogous between 
2000 and 200 BP. At the end of II° millennium BC, the plain zone is concerned by a hot-dry 
climate, the mountain zone by a moderately cold and wet climate. Between 800 and 300 
BC, the plain climate is quite unstable but in average cool-wet with remarkable increase of 
dimension and productivity of the steppe zone; (more precisely, cold-wet peaks happened in 
650, 350 and 200 BC, and a rare hot-wet peak in 500 BC); the mountain climate is persistently 
cold-wet with snowy winters, shorter summertime and glacial advance [6]. (Fig. 02) 
As a whole, the climatic reconstruction explains why in Semirechie, from the Late 
Bronze to the Early Iron period, the best human habitats switched from the mountain 
zone to the piedmont and steppe zone, together with a net increase of seĴlement numbers 
and human mobility. 
2.2 – Paleoenvironmental context and archaeological complexes in three main 
residential zones of the Saka people of Northern Tienshan: mountain meadows 
(Asy plateau), piedmonts (Talgar), deserts (Chu-Ili range)
Asy plateau. The Asy plateau, located at 2500-3000 m asl in the upper Turgen valley, 
represents one of the richest mountain meadows of Northern Tienshan. During the Late 
Bronze period the site represented a perennial habitat with a temperate microclimate, 
capable of feeding and herd of 1000-2000 sheep and goats on the northern slopes by summer 
and on the southern slopes by winter. At the transition between Late Bronze and Early Iron, 
the plateau sees the abandonment of 3 large Late Bronze age seĴlements and a hiatus in the 
execution of petroglyphs (which will restart only around the end of the I° millennium BC). 
Only a wooded Saka dwelling and few stone houses are documented in 2 well sheltered 
tributary valleys; plus 9 clusters of Saka kurgans on the plateau (of which the 2 located at its 
western and eastern ends consist of royal kurgans) witnessing the persistence of a summer 
pastoralist and metallurgic exploitation of the mountain zone [7]. (Fig. 03) 
Talgar piedmont fan. The piedmont fan of the Talgar river valley, located between 
700 and 900 m asl, is characterized by a shrub steppe landscape crossed by several streams 
and constituting a very stable human habitat. The local seĴlement park rose from less 
than 10 villages during the Late Bronze to more than 60 during the Early Iron period 
(a density of 0.3 dwellings x km2), surrounded by more than 300 kurgans [2]. The site 
has been interpreted as an important Early Iron mix-farming pastoralist habitat, located 

31 
half way between summer (Asy) and winter camps (Pre-Ili) just 50 km afar. Late Medieval 
documents quote the existence of an easy ford across the Ili in coincidence with the Talgar 
delta (Fig. 06).  
Western Kuljabasy range. The Western Kuljabasy range, located between 800 and 
1200 m asl in the southern borders of the Chu-Ili mountains, is constituted by 14 parallel 
valleys featuring a semidesert landscape. From the Late Bronze to the Saka period, the 
local archaeological park rises from 6 villages and 6 related cemeteries to 10 villages and 
114 kurgans. Saka villages are more or less located in each of the valleys; few kurgans are 
aligned on the sides of all the valley mouths with 3 major concentrations in correspondence 
of relevant landscape features (Valley 2, 5 and 8). The Early Iron use of this site has been 
interpreted as a winter camp complementary to the summer pastures and copper mines 
of the Kindyktas plateau located 30-40 km on the south, and aligned along the main west-
east piedmont road. [8] (Fig. 04)
3 - Correlation between hydrological basins, human habitats and funerary 
complexes during the Early Iron epoch (Charyn, Chilik, Besshatyr)
In the middle valley of the Ili river (Semirechie) the complexes of Saka monuments 
(villages, kurgans, petroglyphs) are located in 4 zones: alpine meadows, sub-alpine 
steppe, piedmont fan steppe, desert. 
Such zones are related to 4 different ecological functions, having all together a 
complementary economical potential exploitable by seasonal pastoralist transhumances 
with itineraries along the same hydrological basin. Alpine meadows provide summer 
pastures, inhabited during 3-4 months; sub-alpine steppe with spring and autumn pastures 
are transitional; piedmont fan steppe host the largest permanent agro-pastoral dwellings, 
for elders, children cows and farming; desert plains free of snow cover provide winter 
pastures, inhabited during 5-6 months. The Northern Tienshan range provides abundant 
opportunities for summer camps, so that the dimensioning of the herds is regulated by 
the economical potential of the much meager areas of the winter camps [9].
Monuments are mainly distributed by clusters along river courses: near springs, in 
canyons, on piedmont fans, in desert deltas and lacustrine landscapes. Their concentration 
along streams is not so surprising being that in South Kazakhstan riverine oases represent 
one of the few possible habitats and by far the richest. What is remarkable is the fact 
that Saka monuments show analogous distribution paĴerns and morphological features 
by hydrological basin, supporting the hypothesis that hydrological basins constituted 
ecological units under collective management by part of homogeneous local clans and 
solidarity groups (tribes). 
The monuments pertaining to the same hydrological basin constitute complementary 
items of the same ecological seasonal strategies, which support the identięcation in the 
N Tienshan region of some hydro-economical (ecological) units. The most important 
among them are: the entire course of the Charyn and Chilik rivers; the Asy-Turgen-Issyk-
Talgar locales; of the Kastek pass and piedmonts and the Chu-Ili mountains; the areas of 
Koksu-Saryozek-Besshatyr north of the Ili.  (Fig. 05)   
In other words, each of the Northern Tienshan river valleys represented the itinerary 
of seasonal transhumances between summer pastures in mountain meadows around 
river springs, and winter pastures in lowland deserts surrounding the river delta by part 
of local specięc transhumant social groups. (Fig. 06)   
Among all monuments, kurgans are particularly evident on the ground surface and their 
spatial characters deserve the ęrst aĴention. Sequences of kurgan complexes along rivers are 

32
 
ʊɧʇɸʒɸ-ʂʞɮɯʃɸ ʂʌʇɧ ɳʞʃɯ ɶɧʂɧʃɧʍɸ ʂʞɮɯʃɸɯʊ
witness of transhumance routes under collective territorial management and of corresponding 
cultural affiliations [10]. Anomalous concentrations point to locales of special economical and 
social importance. Particular clusters or alignments are indicators of strict genealogical links. 
Different sizes and forms point to a different chronology or to different identities or social 
statuses within the same community or to the immigration of new clans. Very oĞen few Wusun 
and Turkic kurgans are applied just below the end of Saka alignments. 
Archaeological excavations will enrich with further entries and details our land-
exploitation model; and algorithms of spatial and statistical analysis will provide with 
quantitative values this ęrst qualitative reconstruction. 
Here below is brieĚy analyzed in detail the surface distribution of Saka kurgans 
along 2 very signięcant river courses of Semirechie (Charyn and Chilik) and in a desert 
environment north of the Ili (Besshatyr). 
Charyn. The Charyn river runs for 300 km from the Ketmen mountains 
(Northern Tienshan) to the Ili river and is clearly divided, from the hydrological 
and ecological and cultural points of view, in 3 segments: the upper course flowing 
at 2000-1800 m across a wide alluvial plain covered by mid-mountain steppe; the 
middle course flowing inside a deep canyon cut in a desert depression between 
1800 and 600 m asl; and the delta, merging with the desertic Ili valley. 
Along the upper Charyn course (Kegen region), kurgans are built by tens and in 
gigantic size in proximity of the river, and by hundreds in mountain meadows on the 
right and leĞ sides of the valley (Shybyshy, Sholtokshi). Along the canyon, in coincidence 
with its two segments presenting a wide alluvial plain (Aktogay and Sarytogay), Early 
Iron villages are built on river terraces as well as on depressions of the right ridge, and an 
almost uninterrupted sequence of thousands of kurgans is aligned on the edge of the right 
and leĞ ridges. Kurgans are rare in the Charyn delta, where instead abundant are surface 
deposits of Early Iron painted ceramics and slag, possibly related with communities of 
farmers and metallurgists having eastern origin and different burial practices. 
The monumental park described above allows aĴributing the kurgan constructions 
to pastoralist communities wandering between the upper and middle course of the river: 
mountain meadows of the upper course provided summer pastures; the microclimate of 
the canyon provided opportune areas for winter camps and presents the largest number of 
funerary mounds of different styles and phases. Instead, farming and metallurgic groups 
used the ecological habitats of the delta in economical complementarity and symbiosis 
with the Saka stockbreeding communities of the upper valley. 
The detailed analysis of spatial paĴerns and morphology of the kurgan complexes 
would provide further information about chronological phases, social groups and possible 
interactions with neighbor valleys. [11] (Fig. 07)   
Chilik. The course of the Chilik river runs for around 200 km from the highest peaks 
of Northern Tienshan to the Ili river and is composed of 3 main segments. The upper course 
Ěows into a deep alpine valley for 100 km, which presents excellent summer meadows and 
rich ore deposits, and is literally covered by kurgans of different dimensions, surrounded 
by steles and stone alignments. The mid-course develops between 2000 and 1000 m asl 
across a mid and low mountain zone were Early Iron villages, stone enclosures and few 
clusters of small kurgans have been documented. At the exit of the mountain the river 
delta starts, moistening a wide proluvial fan and alluvial plain: here hundreds of kurgans, 
sometimes of extreme proportions (100 m in diameter and 20 m in height), are aligned by 
clusters: they are aligned by tens longitudinally along positive forms of the immediate 
piedmonts; and by thousands latitudinally along the dry lower reaches of the eastern part 
of the delta (actually a terrace of the Ili Ěoodplain) facing a sequence of water resurgences. 

33 
What is interesting is that kurgan complexes, absent in the sandy marshes of the lowest 
delta, appear again on the opposite side of the Ili river, in Besshatyr, a rich winter camp that 
possibly the Charyn region shares with another hydro-economical region (Bije-Saryozek). 
According to late medieval historical accounts, there was an easy ford across the Ili located 
half way between the Chilik and Charyn deltas constituting, together with the Talgar ford, 
one of the main connections between the north and south of the Ili basin [12].  
Besshatyr. The desertic Besshatyr plain is the center of a wide rich winter camp 
sheltered from the north by the Cholak low mountains. The rich economical opportunities 
made of the area the winter camp of several hydro-economical units south and north of 
the Ili river.
Here is located a cluster of 34 most impressive royal kurgans surrounded by 
several groups of tall steles and interconnected by stone alignments, constituting a very 
impressive system that can be suspected as the central funerary complex of a very wide 
territory: the Chilik valley; the other smaller parallel N-Tienshan streams west of Chilik 
(Turgen, Issyk, Talgar, which already share with Chilik the same summer pastures); and 
of the Bije-Saryozek region, of which the summer pastures are located in the western 
spurs of the Jungarian Alatau. In fact, all the arid terraces of the right bank of the Ili river, 
developing for 50 km east and west of the Besshatyr site, are uninterruptedly covered by 
different clusters of hundreds of kurgans of medium and liĴle size. 
By its impressive dimensions and the multifunctional location of the area, the 
Besshatyr cemetery can be suspected as a locale endowed of high political importance. 
He played as a kind of funeral throne spoĴing from the collective winter camp the entire 
mountain and pre-mountain habitats spoken above, suggesting the presence, during 
the V-IV centuries BC in Semirechie, of a large tribal confederation responsible of the 
management of the entire middle valley of the Ili river. (Fig. 08)
3 - Conclusions
On the basis of these case-studies, the following considerations can be advanced 
concerning the role of landscapes in structuring the Iron Age agro-pastoralist societies of 
South Kazakhstan. 
● On the Kazakhstan territories, the main character of the transition from Bronze 
Age to Early Iron societies is the huge and sudden increase of the size of the land under 
exploitation. 
● Such a tendency, blessed by the establishment of a profitable cool-wet climatic 
phase, is interrelated with the development of other factors like steppe productivity, 
demographic levels, settlement park, pastoralist techniques and mobility, farming, 
territorial management by social integration and centralized military power. It is also 
correlated with the appearance of cultural expressions of which the main character is 
a new conception of landscape, space, time and ancestry. 
● The intensive land exploitation of a region is a main socializing factor, so that the 
study and typology of hydro-economical units and the ęxation of their territorial borders 
must precede any tentative political or ethnic aĴribution of its inhabitants. For example, the 
whole Chilik river valley during the Early Iron age must be approached as a huge “ranch” 
of which the full exploitation required a complex management by pastoralist technologies, 
physical displacements, residential structures and specięc social relations and rituals.
● In order to understand the locational factors of the biggest and richest Early Iron 
monumental complexes of Semirechie it is necessary to analyze the spatial organization 
and ecological potential of the corresponding hydro-economical unit and of its 3 residential 
axes (permanent dwelling, summer camp, winter camp). So, the explanation of the 

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