СПИСОК ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ
1
Наумкин
В.В.
Исламский
радикализм
в
зеркале
новых
концепций.
http://islamica.ru/?uid=112.
2
Маточкина А.И. Религия и власть в учении Ибн Таймийи. Автореферат диссертации на
соискание ученой степени кандидата философских наук. Санкт-Петербург 2011.
http://www.dissercat.com/content/religiya-i-vlast-v-uchenii-ibn-taimiii.
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Добаев И.П. Исламский радикализм: генезис, эволюция, практика. Отв. редактор
Ю.Г.Волков.
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Ростов-на-Дону:
Издательство
СКНЦ
ВШ,
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http://www.kavkazoved.info/images/myfls/files/uro07.pdf.
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Ханбабаев К.М. Религиозно-политический экстремизм. Учебное пособие для
студентов высших учебных заведений. - Махачкала 2009.
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Смирнов
Алексей.
Арабо-израильские
войны.
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smirnov_aleksey/arabo_izrailskie_voyni.html.
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Организация «Аль-Каида»: про историю и идеологию. http://www.temadnya.ru/
spravka/27may2004/3969.html.
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Владимир Сажин. Аятолла Рухола Хомейни и Исламская революция в Иране.
http://www.diletant.ru/interview/12827865/.
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Всемирная история. Энциклопедия. Том 4. (1958 год). Издательство социально-
экономической
литературы.
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Москва.
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f00/s00/z0000029/st008.shtml.
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Миловидов
В.Ф.
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Наумкин В.В. Исламская концепция устойчивого развития. http://islamica.ru/?uid=111.
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Александр Игнатенко. Обыкновенный ваххабизм. Еретическое течение в Исламе.
Особенности учения «единобожников». Социально-политические последствия
распространения ваххабизма в мире. Институт религии и политики. http://i-r-
p.ru/page/stream-library/index-2604.html.
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Институт религии и политики. Неоваххабизм как идеология религиозно-
политического экстремизма и терроризма. http://www.i-r-p.ru/page/stream-library/index-
616.html.
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Тойнби А. «Постижение истории» (теория локальных цивилизаций): Айрис-Пресс;
Москва; 2002.
14
Nye. Joseph S. Soft power: the means to success in world politics / Joseph S. Nye. Jr. New
York Public: Affairs, 2004.
15
Некрасов С.И., Некрасова Н.А., Платошина В.В. Американский мультикультурализм.
Изд. «Академия Естествознания», 2011. Монографии изданные в издательстве
Российской Академии Естествознания. http://www.rae.ru/monographs/127-4134.
16
Ильин В.И. Общество потребления: теоретическая модель и российская реальность.
http://www.ruthenia.ru/logos/kr/ilyin.pdf.
17
Douglass, Frederick (1992): "Self-Made Men". In Blassinghame, John and John McKivigan
(ed.): The Frederick Douglass Papers. Series One, vol. 4. New Haven and London: Yale
University Press. 545-575.
ТҮЙІН
Қоғамдық-саяси ғылымдарда Исламдағы қазіргі үдерістерге көтеріңкі назар 11 қыркүйектегі
күйінішті уақиғаға дейін әлдеқайда ерте пайда болды. Бүгінгі күні исламдық радикализм көптеген
қазіргі заманғы басқа құбылыстар сияқты ұдайы түрде эволюция жолымен дамиды. Радикалдық
Ислам дамуы мен трансформациясының эволюциялық үдерісі тоқталған жоқ, керісінше, күшейе
түсетінін дүниежүзілік қауымдастық ұмытпау керек, сондай-ақ өзінің әрі қарай дамуында тағы
қандай түрде болатынын болжау өте қиын.
RESUME
Special attention to modern processes in Islam in political sciences has arisen much earlier, than
there were sad events on September 11. Islamic radicalism today, as well as many other phenomena of
present, constantly evolves and develops. The world community does not need to forget that evolutionary
development and transformations of radical Islam have not stopped, but only amplifies and grows, and it
is very difficult to assume, what other form it is going toget in the further development.
68
UDC 327.7(4-11)
Kamilla Sheryazdanova
Academy of Public Administration
under the President of the Republic of
Kazakhstan, Doctor (PhD)
Features and
principal stages of
entry of the Eastern
European countries
into the European
Union
Annotaion
Enlargement of the European Union created many
discussions on positive and negative moments of this
trend in European integration processes. Supporters of
the enlargement emphasize that it’s the only way to
support the entire process of the European integration,
otherwise principles of EC organization will be called in
question. At the same time, acceptance of new members
shall be made by stages; the European Union shall be
ready to subsequent enlargement.
Key words: European Union, Central and Eastern
Europe, integration process, enlargement.
Liberated from Soviet guardianship countries of
Central and Eastern Europe and Baltic countries turned
to Western Europe because they considered themselves
as a part of Europe. Geopolitically these countries,
certainly, are European countries, their population,
certainly, is European [1, p.73]. Seeing successes of EC,
countries of Central and Eastern Europe and Baltic
countries expressed their desire to become EC members
and finally enter into the European environment.
However, it was not so easy to accept these
countries to EC members. EC elaborated a program for
these countries which shall be fulfilled prior to enter the
European Economic Alliance.
All these states were socialistic in the past and
lived in conditions of totalitarianism. Therefore, their
political system should be changed by introducing all
democratic elements, freedom and human rights,
transform the society of these countries into open
society.
Certainly, it required much time for the fulfillment
of the entire program and joining of these countries to
EC, therefore, acceptance of these countries lasted some
years. In 2000 EC approved a program document
“Agenda 2000” where it considered Poland, Hungary,
Czech
Republic,
Slovakia,
Bulgaria,
Romania,
Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Slovenia, Malta as candidates
to EC members and began negotiations with them for
their joining EC when they would be ready to this act. A
decision to accept these countries into EC in 2004 was
made at EC summit in Nice in 2000. The next EC
summits strengthened this decision [1, p.74].
One of the principal tasks of Poland, Bulgaria,
Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Romania was a
trend to coordinate foreign policy upon keeping of
independent foreign policy conception by some
countries. Coordination of foreign policy actions
established more favorable possibilities for each country
69
to stabilize internal political situation, liquidation of any conflict arising, provision of the
required conditions for closer cooperation. This process was directed to the establishment of the
general economic sphere, formation of structural coordinating subdivisions, military integration
system and a regional defense zone in the long-term perspective.
Meetings of regional organizations (Visegrad Group, Central European Initiative, Central
European Association of Free Trade, Danube Commission) demonstrated that coordination in the
economic sphere was really implemented and directed to the elimination of customs barriers,
establishment of a single transport scheme, a labor market, a commodity market that, in its turn,
established more favorable conditions for the integration of Eastern European countries into EC
[2, p.92].
Implementation of the objective of Eastern European countries in relation to their joining
European Union was accompanied by active actions of their diplomats. Actions of Poland,
Hungary, and Czech Republic were most consecutive that was evident in the intensive exchange
of delegations at the highest level, participation in European meetings, conferences, conducting
of various international measures. Governments of these countries established special structures
on policy coordination with the European Union where positions of any country-EC member and
requirements to full membership were analyzed.
Intentions of the majority of Eastern European countries to become members of the
European Union in future corresponded to the interests of this organization. However, this
process took much time that is explained by the necessity to develop agricultural, financial, legal
policy by the European Union in relation to Eastern European countries. Moreover, migration of
population to Western countries was not excluded. In any case, acceptance of new members
required significant investments from the European Union [2, p.92].
Being the associated members of EC, countries of this region participated in PHARE
program which was directed to the support of democratic transformations and economic reforms
and received a significant consulting assistance.
Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary and Slovakia were closer than other countries to the
implementation of full membership in EC. These countries became full members of the
European Union in 2004. Bulgaria and Romania joined countries-members of the European
Union in January 2007.
Preparing for the membership in EC, the former socialist countries made delicate economic
reforms: from the reduction of subsidization of unprofitable state enterprises to their liquidation,
struggle with environmental pollution at the legislative level, twining of national legislative
interests. Business activity of Eastern European countries significantly increased as the result of
the sufficient financial and investment support of these countries by EC. In particular, the total
volume of foreign investments in ten new EC countries increased from 28.5 to 38.4 billion Euro
($49.6 billion) from 2004 to 2006 according to data of the UN Conference on Trade and
Development. Economic growth in these countries in 2006 was 5.3% in average in comparison
with 4.7% in 2005 according to the data of the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development [3].
Enlargement of the European Union created much discussion on positive and negative
moments of this trend in European integration processes. Supporters of the enlargement
emphasize that it’s the only way to support the entire process of the European integration,
otherwise, principles of the EC organization will be called in question. At the same time,
acceptance of new members shall be made by stages; the European Union shall be ready to
subsequent enlargement [4]. In this context the group of English experts says that it will be very
difficult for the European Union to be limited by the frameworks of Western Europe, because
only its enlargement may assist in the establishment of Europe “without borders” [4]. Many
European analysts were the critics in relation to joining of Slovakia, Bulgaria and Romania to
EC, because they thought that these countries were politically unstable and economically weak
[5]. Irregularity of integration development within EC, a high level of integration in the
70
economic sphere, insufficient integration in the political sphere negatively affects the
enlargement of EC.
Some political analysts also say that preliminary negative economic and political forecasts
of the opponents of EC and NATO enlargement did not come true; European integration
processes of Eastern European countries did not cause financial crises in EC, relations with
Russia which openly was against the union of NATO, and Eastern European countries did not
become critical [2, p.93].
Joining EU was correctly assessed by the political elites of the region as the shortest way to
successful future. The intention to return to the "right" way has led to the understanding that the
capitalist economy would be dominated in the near future. The process of the market economy
formation and its expansion is predetermined to be the principal direction of global development.
In the course of comparison of the socialist system with capitalism, it becomes apparent
that the latter is more productive, which sets the faster growth rate, that resulted at the last in
significant improvement of the qulaity of the citizens’ lives.
With joining the European Union of Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and the Czech Republic in
May 2004 a new period of post-communist transformation began for the region in the whole,
which is not yet completed, but currently it runs as other distinctive conditions.
As a basis of the strategy development of the EU enlargement to the East was taken the
balance of interests, it met the interests of both parties, contributed to the progressive
development of the European continent as a whole. It may be said that the European Union
enlargment in the Eastern European direction was the so-called guarantor of stability on the
eastern borders of the European Union, the control of potential regional conflicts and the
development of global problems of modernity. The process began with the fact that in the early
90s such countries as Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Bulgaria,
Romania have signed the so-called "European agreements on association."
In June 1993, the Council of Europe in Copenhagen made a decision on the possibility of
the fifth enlargement, and terms and principles of the joining of new countries were defined:
- existence of stable institutions, guaranteed democracy, the rule of law, human rights and
respect and protection of the rights of national minorities;
- existence of a viable market economy, as well as the ability to compete and to withstand
the pressure of competition and market forces within the European Union;
- ability to take obligations, related to the joining EU, in particular, to support the
objectives of the political, economic and monetary union [6].
The Eastern strategy of EU included four main instruments of cooperation: the European
agreements, the multilateral structured dialogue, preparation of the Eastern European countries to
the integration into the general domestic market of EU, financial assistance to the Eastern
European countries. Besides that, in December 1994 in Hesse the requirements to be met the
candidates at the moment of their joining EU were identified. In 1995 EU took the liabilities to
begin negotiations on institutional reforms at the Madrid Summit [7].
According to the order of the European Council from July 15, 1997 the Commission
presented a program of enlargement, entitled "Program 2000", which was approved by the
European Council in March 1999 at the meeting in Berlin. The states that had applied for
membership in EU were grouped into two categories: the first category included countries that
were ready to start negotiations, and the second included those countries which should have to be
prepared for it. The first group included Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and the
second - Bulgaria and Romania [8]. It was decided to provide technical assistance to candidate
countries, instruments of which are the following programs:
1. РНАRЕ is a program, founded in December 1989. It was initially developed to provide
an emergency assistance to Poland and Hungary (therefore its name – Poland-Hungary:
Assistance for the reconstruction of the economy). According to the program «Program - 2000»
1, 56 billion euros were annually allocated for financing of the project. Two main PHARE’s
71
directions were the following: providing assistance to governments of candidate countreis for
allocation of acquis communautaire and mobilization of state and private investments with the
purpose to ensure compliance of candidate – countries to the EU standards in such areas as
transport, environment protection, labor conditions, quality of manufactured goods etc.;
2) ISPA – «Instrument for structural policies for pre-accession». Annaul budget of the
program amounted to 1,04 billion euros. Its main task was to finance the modernization of the
public infrastructure of candidate countries;
3) SAPARD – Structural adjustment program for agriculture and rural development: this is
a program, designed exclusively for promoting agriculture, its development and rural
infrastructure development. 520 billion euros were annually allocated for the above-mentioned
needs.
4) INTERREG ІІІ is a program of interregional social and economic development and
cooperation. Annual amount of financing was 4, 875 million euros.
5) LIFE is a program on the environmental protection. Annual budget amounted to 640
million euros [9].
Allocation of finances of the first three of these programs (3, 12 billion euros) was made in
correlation with population criteria. Based on it, Poland received 30%, Romania - 28%, Bulgaria
- 10%, Hungary - 7%, the Czech Republic - 5% and Slovakia - 4% of the total financial support.
Thus, since 1990 Poland has annually received more than two billion euros within PHARE
program and during 2000-2004 within ISPA program - 1, 4 billion. From 1990 to 2003 Poland
has received 58 billion euros under SAPARD, ISPA, PHARE programs in total [10].
A form of indirect financial support of the candidate countries was their participation in
many internal EU programs (researches, public health, environmental protection, energy,
vocational training, support of small and medium-sized businesses etc.).
At the same time, in the undivided opinion of the European experts, the allocated amount
was not enough to provide assistance on the level of support which was earlier provided to
Greece, Ireland, Spain and Portugal, it did not provide equalization of social and economic
development of EU after the enlargement of the European Union.
The situation was complicated by the fact that only two candidates (Poland and Hungary)
were able to restart the industrial production to the level they had in 1989. According to the
calculations of the UN Economic Commission for Europe the Czech Republic will take at least
10-15 years, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia - 20-25 years Romania - 35 years in order to catch
up the least developed countries of the EU member states [9].
In December 1999, the countries of the “first wave” were invited for negotiations on full
membership in EU at the meeting in Helsinki. Slovakia joined them that became its biggest
foreign policy success since the right-wing forces came to power in the country.
The talks with the following five candidate countries, including Bulgaria and Romania,
began in February 2000. Each candidate was evaluated taking into account the specific nature of
its political and economic development, as well as the ability to carry out activities to achieve the
level of the "first wave".
The training program of the candidate countries for joining EU included the following
elements:
1) development of "strategy of joining." The long and short of it is a gradual enlargment
and deepening of the European bilateral agreements with the Eastern European countries;
2) preparation of the candidate countries to the start of official negotiations. Its principal
element was to acquaint these countries with clause 31 of acquis communautaire, as well as the
definition of the provisions, the adoption of which was strictly technical matter for the
candidates, and compilation of a list of essential issues that have to be negotiated;
3) establishment of the so-called "partnership for the joining" parallel with the mechanism
of the European agreements. Their material basis was based on funds of financial instruments of
72
joining, and the main task was to identify and remove "bottlenecks" that discourage the
integration of the candidate countries into the single internal market of EU.
The longest summit since the start of negotiations on enlargement was held in Nice on 7-9
December 2000. It was intended to address the most important issues of institutional reforming
of the European Union. However, the compromise which was reached at the summit did not take
off a number of contradictions and had a half character.
Desisting from the use of criteria "double majority", offered by a number of specialists
(population and economic potential) in the course of voting in the Council, the leaders of the
most developed countries have directly redistributed the votes, abandoning the previous principle
of balance between small and large states. For its part, the small countries of EU have defended
the right to have their own representative in the Commission, which greatly weakened its
supranational character and threatened by excessive growth of the numerical strength of the body
[10].
Realization of the principle "one country - one member of the Commission" turned this
organization into the cumbersome body, regardless of the set limits (27 members), which
collective work could lose effectiveness. The issues concerning the prospects of the EU
enlargement to 30 members and an absolute majority in the Commission of small countries
representatives in line with the countries such as Germany, Britain and France remained
undetermined [11].
The political leadership of the European Union agreed with the Commission conclusion
that Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic met all the political criteria for joining at
this stage and by 2004 they had prerequisites to achieve compliance with the economic criteria.
Copenhagen summit in 2002 was marked by significant progress in the discussion of the
issue concerning the agricultural sector. Brussels agreed to increase the amount of direct farming
subsidies by 25%. In addition, from 2004 the entrant countries received the right to add an
amount of subsidy to 55% at the expense of their own budgets. The requirement of the European
Union before Hungary’s joining to abolish tax benefits for large investors, for example, had been
postponed by the end of 2005. This had a positive impact on the Hungarian exports and provided
an opportunity to keep 250,000 work places [12].
The summit noted that Bulgaria and Romania could join the European Union until 2007
(finally date of January 1, 2007 was fixed in September 2006). On the one hand, the EU states
took into account the significance of the geopolitics of Bulgaria and Romania. On the other hand,
a significant role was played by socio-economic and political characteristics of these countries,
poverty of which potentially threaten the stability of the European Union, and insufficient
awareness and responsibility of their political elites added to everything else have caused the
concerns of Western European regular citizens.
Taking a final decision on the terms of the fifth enlargement, the European Council has
provided for a number of preventive measures along with it:
- Firstly, after the Treaty signing the Commission continued to monitor and submitted a
final report on the course of acquis communautaire by the candidate countries only six months
before the scheduled date of their joining;
- Secondly, the specific provision was included in the Joining Treaty, in addition to the
standard safety precautions, (hereinafter).
Within three years after their joining, each member country of the European Union or the
Commission had the right to raise the issue of the introduction of additional protective
mechanisms in case if the entrant country failed to perform obligations with respect to the single
internal market, cooperation in the field of justice and domestic affairs. The agreements signed
on April 16, 2003 in Athens, were the last step of joining the Eastern European countries to the
European Union.
73
In June 2003 at the EU summit in Thessaloniki the draft of the future constitution of
Europe was approved. It became evident that the position of the Western European states and
candidate countries, also participated in the discussion, was different.
It was unacceptable for entrant countries to transform the European Commission into a
two-level organization, so in consequence of which members of the European Union would lose
the right to vote. The idea for establishing the post of President of the Council of Europe was not
supported as the Eastern European countries asked for a clear definition of regulated powers of
the President in order to eliminate competition between the latter and the European Commission
President.
Despite the fact that the joining of tens was predetermined, the European Commission
continued to monitor closely the situation in each country, as a result of which it voiced criticism
in November 2003. For example, the demands on the plunge was put forward in regard to
Hungary directed to meet the obligations in the field of regional development, implementation of
sanitation and epidemiological standards in the food industry, creation of an integrated
administrative and control system, as well as agencies with the purpose to pay farming subsidies.
The EU Council has declared determination to include Bulgaria and Romania, despite the
fact that their characteristics did not meet the criteria of the organization. This decision of the
Council of Europe was explained due to the fact that the Eastern European countries, despite the
vicissitudes in the economic and political development, have great geopolitical potential to be
taken into account to preserve stability of Western Europe. In addition, the region consistently
demonstrated willingness to continue the transformations and fulfill their obligations with good
faith within EU.
The historically developed particularities of the development were the prime cause of the
relative backwardness of the candidate countries:
- the extensive method of economic activity is prevailed in almost all of these countries due
to the specific geographical and social conditions, as a result of which the institutions of private
property and civil society did not take roots in this territorial area;
- none of the countries in the region did have a tradition of strong statehood. Being in the
area of the interests of large states, the region was periodically the arena of their rivalry, and the
people - the subject of an alien rule. Therefore, there is no well-establiched historically formed
understanding of national interests, which plays an important role in the European Union;
- the region has always been the theater of standoff of different religions - Catholicism,
Orthodoxy, Islam. However, none of the candidate countries had the territory where
Protestantism would be so widely spread and which played a significant role in the development
of capitalist production in Western Europe.
Thanks to the geographical proximity of Western Europe the nations of its eastern part
derived a lot from the experience of their neighbors that remained inaccessible for the Russian
Empire nations. It was the historical capital on which the hopes for the successful integration of
the Eastern European countries in the European Union were built.
At the same time, the enlargement of the European Union had great geopolitical and geo-
economic importance for the Eastern European countries. One of the major consequences of the
fifth enlargement of the European Union is a favor to the further change of the geopolitical
configuration in this part of the continent. There are additional driving forces of the mentioned
process - new member countries of EU, especially Poland, which strongly strived for the role of
the "center of powers" that could affect the geopolitical dynamics of the former republics of the
USSR at the subregional level.
In the early 1990s, the assessment of the economic benefits that the Eastern European
countries could obtain from joining EU in the future, was ranged from "essential" to "very
essential", and their incontrovertibility was not called in question.
The experts – expansionists of the European Union enlargement discussed increasingly not
benefits of joining, but the "price" of not joining the European Union.
So, there was a relatively
74
limited effect on the expected joining the Customs Union, because at the stage of associate
membership the countries had the opportunity to perform 60-65% of their goods turnover on
customs-free basis, and since 2001 the trade in industrial products by almost 100% was granted
an exemption from customs duties. In general, it should be noted the positive economic growth
of the national economies of the Eastern European countries since the early years of the
membership in the European Union.
Thus, the average rate of economic growth in Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and
Slovakia in 2006-2007 has reached 4, 6 % vs. 3%, 5% in 2003. According to the expert
estimates, the increase of total GDP of the new member states of EU in 2005 was 4, 5%, which
equated to an index of the middle level of EU member states. Another positive factor for the
Eastern European countries was a fall in unemployment in 2004 compared to the previous year
with 8, 5 % to 8%, 3% [13].
Due to the EU enlargement the tangible positive changes took place in the agriculture of
the Eastern European countries: firstly, the lifting of restrictions on trade in agricultural products
with the European Union and between the new member states resulted in the growth of this
indicator in 2004 by 30%, and secondly, joining EU resulted in significant increase in the
average income of farms, particularly for the period 2004-2005 by 70% as compared with 1999-
2003 (especially Poland + 95%, Hungary + 89%). In the first place, such breakthrough was the
result of direct payments to producers, made within the framework of the common agricultural
policy of EU. In addition, the influence of the latter to increase in performance, the level of
competitiveness of the agricultural production, the development of certain sectors of the national
economies of the new members is assessed as multiple valued.
Orientation on the receptive and high-tech EU market, successful adaptation to its
requirements greatly improved the position of the Eastern European countries in world markets
as a whole. This group of countries began to use actively the communitarian mechanisms of the
European Union to protect its position in the single internal market of the Union, as well as with
the purpose of the economic expansion in the markets of the third countries.
According to the opinion of the Canadian researcher J.O’Sullivan, the growth of exports of
these countries in 2007 was 20%, and their share in the world export increased from 1% in 1992
to 2, 8% in 2006 [14].
The positive nature of economic consequences of the EU enlargement for new members is
determined by the system of factors. First of all, the issue is about the occurrence and
implementation of short- and medium-term effects of appropriate forms of international
integration at the stages before and after joining the European Union: free trade, customs union,
single internal market, economic union.
Removing the barriers of promotion in the internal market of the European Union, a
relatively quick and effective market adaptation of domestic producers to changes in the national
and external competitive environment was resulted in positive quantitative and qualitative
changes in the economic development of new members of the Union.
The parliaments and governments of the member states acted successfully and
pragmatically in the course of entering the directives of the European Commission into national
legal systems. In the national programs of the reforms adopted in the Eastern European countries
in autumn 2005 an emphasis was laid on the further development of the financial system
stability, promoting innovation, improving the business environment, infrastructure, increase in
performance, training a highly skilled workforce.
It should be noted that in context of scantity of internal resources the structural changes and
increasing the technological level of national economies of the Eastern European countries in the
existing terms and achieved volumes were impossible without serious foreign investments. In
2004, the accumulated foreign direct investments reached 191 billion euros or 40% of the
corresponding consolidated figures of GNP of countries - members of the new Union. The share
75
of foreign branches in applied research works in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia
the increased from 9, 3 to 41, 3% in 1993-2003, respectively [14].
Finally, in addition to the strictly pragmatic moments, limited mainly by obtaining the
political and economic benefits, the Eastern European countries received assistance and support
from EU to intensify the development of social, cultural and scientific areas and environmental
protection. Regional countries associated their joining the European Union with increase of the
state prestige.
However, the membership in the European Union has not solved all the social and
economic problems of the new members. Directly, the European Union has some problems of
economic development, which to any extent and in various forms affected the new member
states after its enlargement.
The membership in EU allows using the communitarian mechanisms of solving economic
problems of development, but it is not automatic. Therefore, there are still problems of
unemployment and lagging behind the level of social and economic development of the "old
members" of EU in the new EU countries, the technological gap between two groups of
countries is not overcome and the issue of social convergence is not fully resolved.
The prospect of the EU enlargement and joining the new countries the European Union
have become an important catalyst for effective market transformation and positive structural
changes in their national economies.
Orientation on the single internal market of the European Union has contributed to the
modernization of technological basics of national economies, has given them the dynamism,
increased competitiveness. In such qualitatively new state - as organic components of the EU
economic system - "young" member countries meet the global economic crisis, the globalization
challenges, they effectively adapt to the modern, tougher conditions of the international
competition in the XXI
st
century.
In summary, it should be noted that the new member states had repercussions in full and
old member countries in a less degree the obvious positive consequences of the EU enlargement
- at all levels of the economic effects of this process. Actual implementation of positive
economic expectations of the new member states is the main conclusion of the analysis of the
effects of the EU enlargement.
The Eastern European states, despite the global economic crisis and thanks largely to the
EU membership, have a positive rate of economic growth, it is stated the relative
macroeconomic stability of their development, sustainable level of employment and
unemployment, the competitiveness of domestic producers in the markets of the third countries
increased. At the same time, the EU problems at the present stage are double standards, the
absence of a clearly defined goal of European uniting, its future borders.
In some aspects the EU enlargement looks like "a pressure on the East", an attempt to
create a new security belt in a short time around the old EU member states. The Copenhagen
criteria have largely become a formality: their failure did not result in hindering the last EU
enlargement. More important was not a degree of the country's readiness to join or appreciate it
by the countries - members of the EU as "own" in a civilized sense of this word and individual
geopolitical code of a candidate country.
In such a way, taking into account the geopolitical situation of the early 90s of the XX
th
century, it can be said that the Eastern European countries have made their choice relating to the
membership in EU purposefully and carefully guided, above all, by national interests of their
countries.
76
LIST OF REFERENCES
1
Ibrashev Zh.U. Actual issues of integration and globalization by the example of Europe:
collected scientific works- Almaty, Kazakh University, 2008. – 232 p.
2
Suleimenov T.S. Kazakhstan and Eastern European countries: principal directions and
perspectives of cooperation: monogram – Astana: State University of the President of the
Republic of Kazakhstan, 2008 – 134 p.
3
Echikson W. EC and Eastern Europe // Den, January 29, 2007.
4
Central and Eastern Europe on the way to EC. Addition to the results of international forum
in Warsaw // Compass. - 1999. - №27. - P. 45−50.
5
Mayhew A. Recreating Europe. The European Union Policy towards Central and Eastern
Europe. – Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
6
Veggeland N. Post-national regionalism in Europe: Democracy despite the failure of demos
and ethnos // RC. – 2001. – № 15. – P. 16–37.
7
Boitsova V.V. European Union: enlargement to the East // Social sciences and up-to-
dateness. – 2004. – № 3. – P. 78.
8
Agenda 2000: For a stronger and wider union: Document drawn up on the basis of COM (97)
2000 final / EU, European Commission, Luxembourg: EUR-OP, 1997. – 149 p.
9
Cini M. European Union politics. – Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2002. - 450 р.
10
Vishnyak L.P. Mechanism of financial support of the countries at the stage of joining the
European Union // European integration processes and cross-border cooperation. – Lutsk,
2006. – P. 303.
11
The treaty of Nice // http: // europa.eu.int / comm / nice_treaty / index_en.htm
12
Ten historic steps // http://europa.eu.int/abc/12lessons/index2_en.htm.
13
Igritskiy Yu. Political problems in the Eastern European countries // European security:
events, evaluations, forecasts. – 2007. - № 4. – P. 6–9.
14
O'Sullivan John. East or West? // The Globe And Mail. – 2009. – 20 may. - P.15.
ТҮЙІН
Еуропалық Одақтың кеңеюі еуропалық ықпалдастық процестеріндегі осы үрдістің жағымды
және жағымсыз тұстары жөнінде көптеген пікірталас тудырды. Кеңеюді жақтаушылар еуропалық
ықпалдастықтың бүкіл процесін тек қана осылайша қолдау мүмкін, әйтпесе ЕО-ны құру
принциптері күмән тудыратынын ерекше атап өтеді. Сонымен қатар жаңа мүшелелерді қабылдау
біртіндеп жүргізілуі тиіс, Еуроодақ кейінгі кеңейтулерге дайын болуы тиіс.
РЕЗЮМЕ
Расширение Европейского союза породило многочисленные дискуссии о позитивных и
негативных моментах данной тенденции в европейских интеграционных процессах. Сторонники
расширения подчеркивают, что только таким образом можно поддержать весь процесс
европейской интеграции, иначе будут подвергнуты сомнению принципы построения ЕС. В то же
время прием новых членов должен происходить постепенно, Евросоюз должен быть готов к
последующим расширениям.
77
УДК 327(6-17)
В.Ю. Славецкий
Казахский университет экономики,
финансов и международной
торговли, доктор PhD
Арабская весна
и ее уроки
Аннотация
Статья посвящена вопросам воздействия
внешнеполитических технологий на развитие
международных процессов в современном мире.
События «Арабской весны» были вызваны сложным
переплетением
всевозможных
внутренних
и
внешних факторов современной политической и
экономической жизни в регионе и мире в целом.
Накопленный конфликтный потенциал различных
взглядов на жизнь, принципов организации нашел
свое отображение в «Арабской весне».
Ключевые слова: Арабская весна, Мягкая сила,
американская
мечта,
внешнеполитические
технологии, идеологические трансляторы.
В начале февраля 2012 года в Совете
Безопасности ООН состоялись слушания по
резолюции вокруг ситуации в Сирии. Результаты
голосования были известны заранее. Для экспертов
не было секретом то обстоятельство, что Россия и
Китай наложат вето на данную резолюцию после
невыгодного для них развития ситуации в Ливии,
тем более, что официальные представители и
руководители внешнеполитических ведомств не раз
заявляли об этом в СМИ[1]. Разразившаяся после
этого
бурная
риторика
о
борьбе
за
общечеловеческие
ценности,
принципы
суверенитета и самоопределения как бы отодвинула
на второй план всю сложность ситуации в Северной
Африке и Ближнем Востоке, попытки разобраться в
причинах и найти действенные меры и механизмы
выхода из нее.
Причиной формирования столь сложной
ситуации в мировой политике стали события, уже
вошедшие в историю как «Арабская весна» [2].
Арабская весна – своеобразное, неоднозначное и
спорное явление в современности. Начавшись в
Тунисе, как революционная волна демонстраций и
протестов 18 декабря 2010 года, она уже поглотила
Египет, Ливию, Бахрейн, Сирию и другие арабские
страны [2]. Несмотря на то, что в начале протестов
использовались
общие
методы
гражданского
сопротивления в длительных кампаниях: забастовки,
демонстрации, шествия и митинги, а также
социальные медиа для организации общения и
информирования, сегодня мы наблюдаем довольно -
таки неоднозначные последствия, а в дальнейшем в
системе своего развития их неоднозначность будет
только увеличиваться.
78
Эксперты и аналитики еще дадут свои оценки, но уже сегодня точно ясно, что эти
оценки будут разнообразны и, зачастую, диаметрально противоположны. Природа
происхождения столь различных оценок изначально определена причинами, вызвавшими
столь массовые выступления населения североафриканских стран. Даже первоначальная
оценка происходящих событий способна сказать о том, что события «Арабской весны»
были вызваны сложным переплетением всевозможных внутренних и внешних факторов
современной политической и экономической жизни в регионе и мире в целом.
Специалисты в своих работах еще неоднократно обратят свое внимание на эти
комбинации и степень присутствия в них тех или иных факторов.
Мы же, в свою очередь, постараемся остановиться на одном из них, который, по
нашему мнению, заслуживает на сегодняшний день более пристального внимания, чем
ему уделяется, как в последнее время, так и вообще в системе политического анализа.
Этот компонент наделен способностью действовать не только на внешнем политическом
поле, но и оказывать значительное, трудноконтролируемое воздействие на
внутриполитическую и общественную жизнь всех стран мира без исключения.
Данный фактор на сегодняшний день, безо всякого сомнения и преувеличения,
является одним из существенных и эффективных инструментов американской внешней
политики. Условно его можно обозначить как «Soft power» [3]. Мягкая сила американской
политики имеет давнюю историю своего формирования и развития. Она сформировалась
и действует уже на протяжении почти более двухсот лет. Постоянно эволюционируя в
соответствии с требованиями времени, она несколько изменила форматы своего действия,
но, несомненно, сохранила и приумножила эффективность.
Изначально задуманная отцами, основателями североамериканского государства для
решения важных экономических и внутриполитических проблем на этапе становления,
она постепенно превратилась во всеми узнаваемую «американскую мечту» [4].
Первоначально на нее была возложена задача по привлечению новых масс населения так
необходимых США для освоения территорий и развития экономики. Выдвинутые за ее
основу принципы «свободы», «равенства», «демократии» сформировали у больших масс
людей принципиально важное ощущение возможности начала новой жизни. Во многом
благодаря этому понятие «американской мечты» в основном связывают с эмигрантами,
прибывшими в США в поисках лучшей жизни. То обстоятельство, что они уезжали из
стран, где, в отличие от США, была достаточно жёсткая сословная система,
ограничивавшая социальную мобильность, определило их приверженность философии
свободы личности и свободного предпринимательства. Понятие американской мечты
тесно связано с понятием «self-made person» [5], то есть человека, который
самостоятельно упорным трудом добился успеха в жизни.
Действенность данного метода была доказана временем, когда объединение
английских колоний, занимающее лишь небольшую прибрежную часть атлантического
побережья, смогло не только освоить огромные массивы территорий, построить мощную
экономическую базу, но и стать доминирующим в политическом и экономическом плане
государством сегодня. Долгое время этот принцип оставался действенным инструментом
американской внутренней и внешней политики. Огромные массы социально активного и
мобильного населения Европы, а затем и всего мира стекались в США. Они
сформировали новое общество и государство, которое сегодня во многом определяет
основные принципы политического, экономического и культурного развития мира.
Долгое время «американская мечта» была эффективным инструментом
американской внутренней политики, но во второй половине ХХ века ситуация начинает
постепенно изменяться в сторону превращения «американской мечты» в эффективное
оружие политики, направленное на решение внешнеполитических и геополитических
задач. Происходит своеобразная эволюция механизмов, которые не только не потеряли
своей действенности, но и приобрели более широкий формат своего применения.
79
Толчок для данного процесса дали события вьетнамской катастрофы. Война во
Вьетнаме, ее завершение и некоторые последовавшие за этим процессы вызвали в
американском обществе поистине настоящий шок, который получил впоследствии
обозначение «вьетнамский синдром» [6], заставили американский истеблишмент
пересмотреть многие форматы и принципы внешней политики страны, модернизировать
ее и усилить. Политическая элита США прекрасно понимала, что важной составной
Достарыңызбен бөлісу: |