Reform, Globalization and Development
475
Turning now to what respect the concepts, reform, globalization, and development are
autonomous and in what respect they overlap, our concern is to provide a portrait of the significance
of the relational aspects of these concepts in contemporary times. Beginning in the last two decades
of the 20
th
century and accelerating into the 21
st
century, we have begun slowly to shift towards a
period when educational reforms are no longer dominated by debates about specific and unique
needs of nation states (Brousseau, et al., 2011; Brown, 2008; Carpay, et al., 2013). The rise of
globalization as a world culture has encouraged the belief and practice that reform or social change
should follow in the lines of an international system in a world of externally oriented national
societies (Carney et al., 2012: Brassett & Higgot, 2003; Robertson & Dale, 2015). Although each
such national society has its own exclusively internal challenges with which to cope, the external
challenge to become global becomes primacy (Jarvis, 2009). Accordingly, from the last decade of
the 20
th
century to present times, we find double concern in developing and emerging societies
with globalization—in terms of the development of crystallized interest in globalization, and socio
cultural and economic development respectively (Jarvis, 2009; Klerides, 2009).
The resurgence of globalization in recent years is nevertheless one indication that
national governments can never achieve national development on the terms of their particular
needs as long as they remain subservient to the social, economic and political tenets of
globalization (Beech, 2009). If national educational objectives are important enough for
development, then educational reform is important enough to deserve a more thoughtful attention
than it now receives under the guise of globalization. This has become by no means easy for
nation states not to walk in the paths of globalization. It is indeed, one of the most difficult tasks,
particularly for politicians in developing and emerging states—so difficult, indeed that the
temptation is to turn to globalization, as everything seems to be fundamentally about
globalization in contemporary times (Robertson & Dale, 2015). But there must be provided a
plan of action by which development objectives may be attained. Such a plan borrows much
from theories of social change. At the same time, the plan must involve political, social,
economic, and educational strategies capable both of overcoming the obstacles between nation
states and the designed world culture of globalization, and harnessing national sociocultural
resources powerfully in behalf of that objective (Klerides, 2009). We now turn to discuss the
implications of the policy stating that English should become the language of instruction in
universities in Kazakhstan.
The English as the Language of Instruction Policy in Universities in Kazakhstan
Our study of the English language policy in universities in Kazakhstan (see Agbo & Pak,
Forthcoming) points to the needs of globalization. By according such significance to
globalization in the sense of reforming teaching and learning in universities in Kazakhstan, the
national sociopolitical and cultural factors are necessarily seen as secondary and consequential
(Klerides, 2009; Pickel, 2013). The findings of our study indicated that English as the language
of instruction policy has been meant to meet the demands of globalization without really
visualizing the degree to which the cultural and national identities are being compromised
(Klerides, 2009). English as the language of instruction policy in universities in Kazakhstan is
an attempt to implant values of advanced economies in Kazakhstan as a way of catching up with
the advanced knowledgebase economies (Akkary, 2014). Indeed we tend to agree with the
dependency theory (Frank, 1972) that it is doubtful whether it is possible to catch up with the
knowledgebased economies by merely transplanting their values in emerging nations (Agbo,
2005). Dependency theory rejects the modernization theory that advancement would occur by
imposing the values of advanced knowledgebased economies onto the developing and emerging
nations (Frank, 1972; Harrison, 1988; Santos, 1973). Instead it is argued that the lasting poverty
476
in developing countries is caused by exposure to the cultural, economic, political and social
influences of the advanced countries (Hettne, 1990; Webster, 1984).
We therefore interpret the importance and obsession of the English language becoming
the language of instruction in universities in Kazakhstan as an attempt to making a complete
carbon copy of universities in English speaking advanced nations without understanding the
effects on national and cultural identity. Our premise is based on how ideology is carried out
through the concept of hegemony (McLaren, 2007). According to McLaren (2007) hegemony is
“the struggle in which the powerful win the consent of those who are oppressed, with the
oppressed unknowingly participating in their own oppression” (p. 203). There is thus a
predisposition on the part of policy makers in universities in Kazakhstan to emphasize that the
English language is more significant than the national languages without considering the
implications with regards to national identity.
Our study also indicated that the English as the language of instruction policy is not
meeting its intended objectives since generally, about 50 percent of the students do not at all
understand lessons taught in English and also that only between 10 to 50% of administrators
including heads of academic departments are able to fully understand and speak English. The
main concern here is not only about understanding lessons taught in English or comprehending
and speaking English, but also about national identity (Klerides, 2009). We deem it important for
the university community to comprehend other languages, particularly English, which is
inadvertently a global language in order to differentiate social contexts, academic orientations
and indeed cultural and economic circumstances that make them different from other nations
(Hall, 1996; Klerides, 2009; Pickel, 2013). In fact, significantly, national identity is defined and
decided in terms of the ‘Other’ (Klerides, 2009; Pickel, 2013) as Kleride writes: “Any identity is
about imagining the national Self as much as imagining the national Others” (p. 1230). We
therefore advocate the learning of English as a subject area within the university curriculum
rather than as the language of instruction in all programs.
Language is the hub of culture (Klerides, 2009; Pickel, 2013). Klerides (2009) and Pickel
(2013) have situated conditions of national identity in language acquisition and use. Klerides
asserts that, first, the goal of education is to transmit a nation’s cultural heritage; and secondly,
language is an important aspect of a nation’s education and national identity. Klerides contends
that education is placed with a heavy responsibility to propel national identity, as the role of
education is “to protect, preserve and hand on the socalled cultural inheritance of a nation, and
by means of this heritage, to foster a sense of national belongingness among citizens and to
assure the cultural continuity of the nation” (p. 1228).
Our findings further indicated that the participants in the study thought that they could
learn the English language and improve their competency to replace their native languages of
Kazakh and Russian within the university through various ways described by the participants.
However, in her study of Nations, national cultures and natural languages, Pickel (2013) found
that “National cultures are intimately tied to natural languages, and the acquisition of a national
culture occurs as part and parcel of the acquisition of a natural language (p. 245). Pickel draws a
parallel between artefactual and natural languages. She describes artefactual languages as
practices that are artistic, scientific and technical knowledge, religion and other social symbols
that we may be able to learn over time. As Pickel writes, “Artefactual languages populate the
broad range of modern knowledge areas, above all in science and technology” (p. 430).
According to Pickel:
A natural language, on the other hand, is the substrate for a myriad diverse
subcultures, from sectoral macrocultures (e.g. of political systems) to the
microcultures (workplace, club, family) of everyday life. A natural language,
477
contrary to what its name may suggest, is not a biological artefact. It is a cultural
achievement that is passed on to new generations via nongenetic mechanisms,
though without having to be explicitly taught. (p. 430)
Pickel’s analysis in the present context demonstrates that a clear distinction has to be
drawn between learning a natural language and an artefactual language later in life. Pickel
(2013) cautions that “Learning a natural language at a later time in life is generally significantly
more difficult than learning artefactual languages that do not depend on other culturespecific
knowledge but are universal” (p. 431). Accordingly, in the analysis of English as the language of
instruction in universities in Kazakhstan, we can summarily conclude that the current reform in
language policy is restricted by the tradition and the long established values and norms of
education in Kazakhstan. In other words, since Russian and Kazakh are the natural languages in
Kazakhstan, the English language cannot take the place of a natural language in universities in
Kazakhstan. Fierman (2006) exemplifies the traditional position of the Russian language:
“Indeed, in the late 1980s, even among adult urban ethnic Kazakhs, most had graduated from
schools where Russian was the sole medium of instruction, and their children were following in
their parents’ paths” (p. 101).
Conclusion
We would strongly recommend that the notion of educational reforms and development
be resolutely separated from any conceptions of progress in a narrow sense, and more
particularly, should be separated from any automatic association with the concept of
globalization as such, in whatever way, the latter may be defined. The coincidence of
development and globalization is a 21
st
century fact and in the main a 20
th
century conception.
The developed societies today have to cope with many challenges of ‘overdevelopment kind’,
and attainment of success in resolving these problems is a continuing factor in the promotion of
the globalization status. In other words, whereas developing and emerging nations continue to
view development as a major priority they should do so in a different way from what the
developed economies did in the 20
th
century. For them development must be much more of an
induced process and as a means to an end rather than an end unto itself. Above all, globalization
is one of a number of optional strategies for reaching development—with sociocultural factors
leading to national identity a strong competitor.
Educational reform should be able to bring development to national societies. A
concurrent plan of action is needed to bring the needed development. Such a plan should involve
sociopolitical and economic changes capable of overcoming the impediments of a world of
externally oriented national societies and of providing education that is capable of dealing with
internal developmental challenges (Klerides, 2009). The success or failure of educational reform to
carry any form of development depends on the success or failure of the normative criteria that give
form and meaning as well as purpose to the reform (Klerides, 2009; Willett, 2013). It is in this
respect that educational reforms for national development are different from educational reforms
for globalization (Klerides, 2009). The latter falls short on the requirements of analyzing
developing and emerging nations since reform has mainly involved the establishment by
politicians of a linkage between the international and the national levels of analysis, that is, the
global is directly linked to internal national systems (Clayton, 2004). Thus politicians, particularly
in developing and emerging states should not only focus on the social characteristics of the
advanced knowledgebased economies. Educational reforms cannot bring development except in
the context of the culture which education reflects and upon which education in turn exerts its
influence (Agbo, 2005). The greatest error that educational reformers can make is to assume that
educational values can readily be borrowed from advanced countries and be transplanted in
developing and emerging states (Phillips & Ochs, 2004). Reform aimed at national development
478
should be based on normative criteria that is deliberately concerned with, and guided by both
ethical and aesthetic axiological principles (Willett, 2013). National identity broadly conceived is
the most important single instrument possessed by nation states in demonstrating the power and
capacity that would lead to national development (Klerides, 2009; Willett, 2013).
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