Agricultural co-operatives can create a level playing field for small-scale
producers and improve the efficiency of policy implementation
Agricultural co-operatives can enhance competitiveness and productivity in
agriculture, and improve the impact of policies to address market failures faced by
small-scale producers. Although co-operative enterprises are an organisational form
without reference to the size of the participating entities, they are particularly
relevant to small-scale agriculture. Co-operatives can support small farmers in a
number of areas, including marketing, processing, input supply, access to credit,
access to farm machinery, agricultural extension, and improved management of
water distribution and irrigation (through Water User Associations). As members of
co-operatives, small farmers can benefit from increased bargaining power, higher
productivity levels and greater political representation.
36
By combining a diverse set of actors into a single group, co-operatives provide
opportunities for subsistence-oriented farmers to shift to small-scale commercial
farming, and thereby strengthen their position in agricultural supply chains. Co-
operatives can use collective action to negotiate favourable conditions for their
members in purchasing farm inputs such as fertilisers and seeds, obtaining financing
from commercial banks and developing contractual arrangements to supply farm
outputs to processing facilities and retailers (Bijman and Ton, 2008).
Co-operatives also help small farmers to increase productivity by providing an
essential platform for the provision of extension services, technical assistance and
access to R&D. This is often achieved by developing linkages with extension
networks and agricultural research institutions. These services can help to improve
efficiency, increase production, guarantee the quality and safety of farm output, and
ensure that smallholders adhere to certification schemes and food quality standards
(FAO, 2010). Furthermore, co-operatives can be instrumental in helping small-scale
producers to add value in areas such as post-harvest storage, grading, processing and
logistics (Millns, 2013). This ultimately leads to higher incomes for small-scale
farmers by allowing them to achieve economies of scale, reduce transaction costs,
access new technologies and participate in markets (Markelova et al., 2009).
Agricultural co-operatives play an important role in improving the efficiency of
policy implementation. Co-operatives help to give farmers a voice in policy
dialogues and ensure effective representation of their members’ interests. Through
collective bargaining, co-operatives can campaign for higher prices, fairer market
conditions, improved access to domestic and export markets, increased public
support for extension services and necessary upgrades to rural infrastructure.
Governments can provide financial and technical support directly to co-operatives,
reducing administrative costs and improving the efficiency and targeting of policies
to support small-scale producers (FAO, 2010).
Co-operatives also reduce the need to provide government support directly to
small farms, by providing an institutional structure for producers to address their
specific economic needs through a collaborative member-driven process. This is
particularly relevant to Kazakhstan, where successful implementation of policies to
support small farmers is difficult and problematic. The development of rural
infrastructure over vast territories is costly, and targeting the most productive and
necessary investments can be complicated. Capacity constraints also prevent public
institutions from providing effective education, R&D and extension services to
smallholders in remote rural areas. Similarly, high transaction costs and
prohibitively high risk profiles lead to a low penetration of microfinance and other
forms of financial support for small farmers. These constraints make policies to
support small producers costly and ineffective, inhibiting natural growth in
37
productivity and scale for small farms. In this context, agricultural co-operatives are
an effective and necessary institution to strengthen supply chains and improve
access to markets for small-scale producers in Kazakhstan.
Agricultural co-operatives in OECD member countries
The International Co-operative Alliance (ICA) defines a co-operative as “an
autonomous association of persons united voluntarily to meet their common
economic, social and cultural needs and aspirations through a jointly-owned and
democratically-controlled enterprise” (ICA, 2014a). This definition was employed
by the ILO in its R193 – Promotion of Cooperatives Recommendation and thus
acquired legal value (ILO, 2002).
Co-operatives in OECD countries are typically bottom-up organisations,
created by farmers to overcome market failures and improve the welfare of their
members. Some co-operatives cover the entire farm-to-fork value chain, while
others may take a more specialised approach, such as a focus on marketing or the
provision of extension services. Co-operatives have also been known to promote
sustainable agriculture, by improving the technologies and production practices
employed by small-scale farmers.
Agricultural co-operatives emerged in Europe in the late 19
th
century, following
the development of consumer, credit and workers co-operatives. They have evolved
and developed over many decades, often being deeply rooted in social, cultural and
political movements. Towards the end of the 20
th
century, a wave of mergers and
acquisitions amongst co-operatives led to significant consolidation within the sector.
This period was not without problems and in many cases these transformations did
not yield favourable results. However, further consolidation was seen as a necessary
means to exploit economies of scale, invest in innovation and marketing, increase
the market power of farmers, and respond to increasing competition in the
agribusiness value chain from large investor-owned corporations (Battilani, 2014).
Agricultural co-operatives are now an essential part of the European Union’s
Common Agricultural Policy. The General Committee for Agricultural Cooperation
in the European Union (COGECA) represents the interests of 40 000 farmers’ co-
operatives employing 660 000 people, with an annual turnover in excess of EUR
300 billion. Agricultural co-operatives in the European Union represent over 50% of
the market for the supply of agricultural inputs, and over 60% of the market for the
collection, processing and marketing of agricultural products (COPA-COGECA,
2014). Today, many agricultural co-operatives in OECD countries are large,
successful and competitive multinational operations. According to the 2014 World
Co-operative Monitor, the 30 largest agricultural co-operatives in the world had a
38
combined turnover of USD 366 billion in 2012 (Euricse, 2014). For instance,
Fonterra is a New Zealand based multinational dairy co-operative with over 16 000
farmer-members, collecting 22 billion litres of milk each year and accounting for
approximately 17% of global dairy exports (Fonterra, 2014). In Australia, the
Devondale Murray Goulburn co-operative was established in 1950 from 14 dairy
farms, and has grown to become the country’s largest processor and exporter of
dairy products, with 2 580 farmer-members, 784 000 tonnes of dairy production and
AUD 2.9 billion (Australian dollars) of sales revenue in 2014 (Devondale Murray
Goulburn, 2014).
Opportunities for agricultural co-operatives in Kazakhstan
Agricultural co-operatives are underdeveloped in Kazakhstan: 844 “rural
consumer co-operatives” were registered in 2013, with a total of 16 700 members.
Moreover, many registered co-operatives are inactive or ineffective due to poorly
designed policies to stimulate the establishment and growth of co-operatives. Table
1 compares data on agricultural co-operatives across Kazakhstan, Ukraine and a
range of OECD member and partner countries. It includes a measure of the extent to
which farmers are involved in co-operatives (the number of co-operative members
divided by the total number of farmers). The data indicate that agricultural co-
operatives are well developed across most OECD countries, with the average farmer
being a member of at least two co-operatives in Austria, Finland, Germany, the
Netherlands, Portugal and Sweden. A notable exception is Hungary, where only 1
out of 29 farmers is involved in a co-operative. Levels of co-operative development
are significantly lower in Eurasia, with only 0.7% of farmers in Kazakhstan and
0.4% of farmers in Ukraine registered as agricultural co-operative members.
39
Table 1. Development of agricultural co-operatives in Kazakhstan and selected
countries
Country
No. of
agricultural
co-operatives
No. of
co-operative
members
1
No. of
farmers
Co-operative
members as a
share of total
no. of farmers
Eurasia
Kazakhstan
844
2
16 700
2 420 821
0.7%
Ukraine
801
21 521
5 300 000
0.4%
Selected OECD member countries
Austria
1 049
405 930
150 170
270%
Czech
Republic
596
55 700
22 860
244%
Finland
46
183 000
63 870
287%
France
3 000
580 000
516 100
112%
Germany
2 994
1 807 000
299 130
604%
Greece
6 170
714 000
723 060
99%
Hungary
58
20 177
576 810
3.5%
Ireland
150
181 000
139 890
129%
Italy
5 748
866 615
1 620 880
53%
Netherlands
60
156 750
72 320
217%
Portugal
905
1 044 900
305 270
342%
Slovenia
76
16 539
74 650
22%
Spain
3 989
972 380
989 800
98%
Sweden
30
275 000
71 090
387%
Turkey
13 935
4 462 754
3 900 000
114%
United States
2 186
1 976 700
2 103 210
94%
Selected OECD partner countries
Latvia
107
8 422
83 390
10.1%
Lithuania
201
8 739
199 910
4.4%
1
Includes membership in several co-operatives.
2
844 “rural consumer co
-
operatives”
and 1
448 “production co
-
operatives”
were registered in 2013.
Source: COGECA (2010), Agricultural Cooperatives in Europe: Main Issues and Trends
–
Including a
compendium of Cogeca member organisations, COGECA, Brussels; Eurostat (2010),
“
Farm structure
2010: key farm variables”
, Eurostat website,
http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/
, accessed October 2014;
ICA (2014c), “Co
-
operative facts & figures”,
ICA website,
http://ica.coop/en/whats-co-op/co-operative-
facts-figures
, accessed October 2014;
Lerman and Sedik (2014a), “Agricultural
c
ooperatives in Eurasia”,
Policy Studies on Rural Transition, No. 2014-3, FAO Regional Office for Europe and Central Asia,
Budapest;
Okan and Okan (2013), “An overview of cooperatives in Turkey”,
Policy Studies on Rural
Transition, No. 2013-3, FAO Regional Office for Europe and Central Asia, Budapest; USDA (2014e),
“Cooperat
ive
s
tatistics 2013”, Rural Business
-Cooperative
Programs
Service
Report
75,
www.rurdev.usda.gov/SupportDocuments/BCP_SR75-2013CoopReport.pdf
, accessed November 2014;
U
SDA (2014f), “Farms and land in farms –
2013 Summary”, National Agricultural Statistics Service, May
2014,
http://usda.mannlib.cornell.edu/usda/nass/FarmLandIn//2010s/2014/FarmLandIn-05-28-2014.pdf
,
accessed November 2014.
40
There are significant opportunities for agricultural co-operative development in
Kazakhstan. Figure 7 shows that households and individual farms account for the
majority of production in a number of important commodity sectors, including milk
(96% in 2012), meat (83%), vegetables (93%), potatoes (95%), cotton (97%), wool
(95%) and oilseeds (51%). Small producers also play an important (albeit less
significant) role in the output of other products, such as grain (37% in 2012), rice
(39%) and eggs (36%).
Figure 7. Share of small-scale producers in total production of various agricultural
commodities, 2012
Source: Committee on Statistics, Ministry of National Economy of Kazakhstan (2014),
www.stat.gov.kz
,
accessed September 2014.
The government of Kazakhstan views the high share of small-scale and
subsistence-oriented producers in agricultural production as a major structural
challenge. Agricultural co-operatives can be an effective means to tackle this issue,
by strengthening supply chains and improving access to markets for small-scale
producers.
Short-term challenges to the development of agricultural co-operatives in
Kazakhstan
There are a number of obstacles to the development of agricultural co-
operatives in Kazakhstan. These include short-term issues, such as weaknesses in the
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
Sh
ar
e
o
f smal
l-
sc
al
e
p
ro
d
u
ce
rs
in
to
tal
p
ro
d
u
cti
o
n
(
%
)
Households
Individual farms
Agricultural enterprises
41
legal and regulatory framework, low awareness of the benefits of co-operatives and
limited trust in co-operation, and the lack of targeted financial support for
agricultural co-operatives. In addition, several long-term challenges also need to be
addressed to ensure the sustainability of agricultural co-operatives in Kazakhstan.
These include the limited availability of skilled personnel and the presence of
multiple barriers to vertical integration.
Weaknesses in the legal and regulatory framework
Agricultural co-operatives can be divided into two major categories:
“production co-operatives”, where members produce output by combining their
land, labour, machinery and other essential factors of production, and “service co-
operatives”, where members farm independently, and co-operate on the provision of
essential services. In Kazakhstan, the Civil Code distinguishes between “production
co-operatives”, which were mostly created from the restructuring of former
collective farms, and “rural consumer co-operatives”, which are somewhat
comparable to the agricultural service co-operatives that are widespread in OECD
member countries. According to the Civil Code, “rural consumer co-operatives” are
defined as “non-commercial” (non-profit) entities and are prohibited from
distributing their surplus amongst members (Sedik and Lerman, 2013). This reduces
the sense of member ownership and control over co-operative activities, creating
strong disincentives for farmers to use their co-operative’s services. As a result, co-
operatives struggle to raise capital from their members and are often inactive or
ineffective.
There are currently a total of five separate laws covering co-operatives in
Kazakhstan: the Law on Production Co-operatives (1995), the Law on Agricultural
Partnerships and Associations (2000), the Law on Rural Consumer Co-operation
(1999, 2012), the Law on Consumer Co-operatives (2001, updated in 2012) and the
Law on Rural Water User Co-operatives (2003). This creates unnecessary
confusion, particularly when compared with legislative frameworks that include a
single law for all types of co-operatives – as recommended by the International
Labour Organization Guidelines for Cooperative Legislation (Henrÿ, 2012). Having
five laws increases bureaucracy and weakens the co-operative system’s power to
self-monitor and lobby the government.
Tax policies in Kazakhstan also create disincentives for the establishment and
growth of agricultural co-operatives. The 2002 Tax Code differentiates between
agricultural enterprises, individual farms and households. Agricultural enterprises
and rural consumer co-operatives have the status of legal entities, and are eligible for
a special tax regime with a 70% discount, i.e. 30% of the standard taxation rate on
the land tax (applied to privately owned land), land use payment (for rented state-
42
owned land), property tax, social tax, vehicle tax, value-added tax (VAT) and
corporate income tax. However, individual farms are classified as “non-legal
entities”, and are able to benefit from a special tax regime based on a single land tax
payment, calculated as 0.1% to 0.5% of the estimated cadastral value of the land.
This payment replaces all major tax payments, including the land tax, land use
payment, property tax, social tax, vehicle tax and personal income tax. In addition,
individual farms are exempt from paying VAT. Households also benefit from
significant tax concessions, and are only eligible for personal taxes (land and
property taxes). In addition, households are classified as “physical persons”, and are
not required to declare and pay personal income taxes. As such, sales of agricultural
products by households in local markets are generally not registered and not subject
to taxation (OECD, 2013).
These policies serve to discourage individual farms and households from
setting up new co-operatives or joining existing ones. Transactions between co-
operatives and their members are subject to VAT, and any surplus generated is liable
for income tax. This leads to a higher tax burden and additional administrative and
documentary requirements for small-scale producers. Households have the lowest
incentives to join co-operatives, because doing so would make them liable for the
payment of income taxes. Furthermore, there are a number of rules that govern
eligibility for the special tax regime for legal entities. For instance, a legal entity
must not have subsidiaries, and members of co-operatives must not be members of
other co-operatives using the special tax regime (OECD, 2013). This is a strong
disincentive for farmers to join more than one co-operative, and acts as a barrier to
the development of a multi-level co-operative network. Small farmers typically
respond to these constraints either by developing informal structures for co-
operation, or by continuing to operate individually on the local market with low
levels of productivity and scale.
The current requirements and procedures for the registration of co-operatives
are burdensome for farmers and need to be streamlined further. Co-operatives are
legal entities, and as such they need to be officially registered. The laws and
regulations must be designed to limit the discretionary power of the authorities in
the registration office, encouraging a speedy execution of all administrative
procedures. In addition, any refusal to register or decision to delist a co-operative
must be justified in writing.
Low awareness of the benefits of co-operatives and limited trust in co-operation
The current level of development of agricultural co-operatives is closely linked
to historical, political and socio-economic developments in Kazakhstan. Due to
Kazakhstan’s Soviet legacy, farmers do not understand the concept of agricultural
43
co-operatives in the context of a market economy. They automatically associate the
term “co-operative” with a production co-operative, which is a structure that still
exists in Kazakhstan today as a remnant of the former collective farm system. In
market economies, co-operatives do not aggregate small land parcels for primary
production on a larger area of land as production co-operatives do. Farmers in co-
operatives continue to produce independently on their own land, and the main
objective of the co-operative is to improve the welfare of its members.
Farmers in Kazakhstan also have little confidence in the potential benefits of
co-operation, due to their negative experience with collective agriculture and
government policies during the Soviet period. While low levels of awareness and
trust in co-operation can largely be attributed to cultural and historical factors, the
lack of policies and government support programmes for agricultural co-operatives
also play an important role. The government does not provide any non-financial
support to co-operatives, such as education programmes, dissemination of leaflets
and publications on the benefits of co-operatives, or legal assistance for the
establishment of new co-operatives.
Lack of targeted financial support
Agricultural co-operatives require capital to purchase machinery and
equipment, finance operating costs, pay the salaries of employees and managers,
provide services to members, and invest in innovation. Co-operatives have a number
of tools at their disposal to obtain capital. These include external sources of funding,
such as obtaining bank loans and government financing, and internal sources of
funding, such as increasing transactions with members (patronage), retaining
surpluses for future investment needs and attracting new members. As outlined
below, these mechanisms are typically not accessible to agricultural co-operatives in
Kazakhstan.
External funding can help co-operatives to cover operating costs and finance
long-term investments, thereby improving the incentives for members to increase
their participation and investment in the co-operative’s activities. However, co-
operatives in Kazakhstan face substantial difficulties obtaining bank loans and
government financing. Their inability to obtain financing from commercial banks is
typically the result of stringent collateral requirements, insufficient assets and
reserves, and a lack of alternative lending mechanisms such as group lending or
lending against production committed under forward contracts. In addition,
government support to agriculture is primarily allocated through concessional loans
for large-scale commercial projects, and support for co-operatives is limited.
Financial assistance to co-operatives is mostly provided at the local level by state-
owned “social-entrepreneurial corporations” and the Agrarian Credit Corporation
44
(ACC). The ACC established a lending programme to support agricultural co-
operatives in 2006, with USD 22 million of funding allocated in the first year.
However, funding has since decreased dramatically, and accounted for just 2% of
the ACC’s credit portfolio in 2009-2011 (Figure 8).
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